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Restriction or Resilience? Smartphone Bans in Schools: A Qualitative Study of the Experiences of Students
2025
Dr Megan Reynolds, Dr Maryam Esfandiari, Prof James O’Higgins Norman

Key Findings

The following key findings arose from a review of international research and a qualitative study of students’ experiences of a smartphone ban in schools within Ireland.

  • International research suggests that smartphone bans have little or no impact on education, cyberbullying and wellbeing among students.
  • Children and adolescents have access to many types of devices both in school and at home.
  • Students’ voices have not been included in decision-making on smartphone restrictions/bans within schools and they want to have a say in decisions on this issue and other aspects of their school lives.
  • Some students reported that teachers cause distractions to the learning environment with their phone use.
  • Students are concerned that smartphone bans may inhibit students from learning resilience and skills for life beyond school.
  • The stricter the phone ban the more students look for ways to subvert it.
  • Students indicated that they were aware of different types of harmful content online but tended to minimise risks claiming that they felt able to self-regulate this content, ask for help, and trusted social media providers.
  • There are more pressing issues for students than smartphone use in schools that students were concerned about, such as school facilities and health concerns.

Introduction

Currently in Ireland schools may decide to implement a policy according to their own needs. Arising from some concerns about anxiety levels, online bullying, and viewing of harmful content among primary school children, several initiatives have been introduced around the country by parent groups and/or schools intended to restrict smartphone use/ownership among children. While most schools operate an acceptable usage policy, other schools have chosen to implement different approaches by restricting and/or banning smartphone use. For example, some schools completely banned smartphones on school premises for all students, and others implemented more flexible policies.

In 2023, the Minister for Education provided guidance to parents who may have wished to engage their school community about internet safety and access to smartphones for primary school children (Department of Education, 2023). Last year, the Minister for Education announced her intention to introduce smartphone bans in post-primary schools while at the same time acknowledging that individual schools are best placed to decide on the scope and scale of restrictions for their students. However, the Irish Second-Level Students’ Union (ISSU) said it is opposed to plans that ban smartphones during the school day (McTaggart, 2024). The ISSU raised concerns and highlighted that most schools already have policies in place to combat the misuse of smartphones. In addition, they spoke about how there is a lack of engagement with second-level students on this issue.

In terms of bans, there are a variety of restrictions currently being implemented in Irish schools. For example, some schools have introduced locked pouches in which students must place their smartphone but have the pouches with them throughout the school day. Other schools require students to place their smartphones in a central box located in the school office or into a clear box on the outside of their lockers and students are allowed to retrieve their phones at the end of the day. Further, other schools allow students to keep their smartphones with them and they are trusted not to take them out of their school bag at inappropriate times. Finally, some post-primary schools apply a different set of rules for senior students. For example, allowing senior students to use their smartphones in designated spaces and times during the school day. Despite these ad hoc policies and bans emerging around the country, there is a dearth of research evidence in Ireland on the effectiveness of policies that ban or restrict smartphone use by children and adolescents in schools and whether the use of restrictive approaches (e.g., smartphone pouches in schools) or voluntary initiatives (e.g., no buying smartphones for children until post-primary) have a positive and/or a negative impact on students. As such, this current study set out to understand how existing smartphone bans are experienced and understood by students.

Image of the backs of students' heads

What does International Research say?

Despite the genuine concern among parents, teachers, and policy makers, there is limited evidence-based research to support the position that smartphone bans protect children from bullying and other online harms, as well as promoting their mental health. What research does exist tends to support some access to smartphones and studies that suggest otherwise are often found to over rely on correlations and/or overstate small percentages and/or causality to justify their conclusions.

Below, we report on some of the main findings from the existing international research on smartphone bans and related research on smartphones amongst children and adolescents.

Global Education Monitoring Report 2023 (UNESCO)

Some who support the introduction of smartphone bans in schools have referenced the Global Education Monitoring Report (UNESCO, 2023) claiming that it recommends banning smartphones in schools.

However, a full reading of the report reveals that it does not explicitly recommend banning smartphones from schools. Instead, it does acknowledge that some countries have implemented mobile phone bans or restrictions in schools due to concerns about privacy, safety, classroom disruption, and well-being (UNESCO, 2023, p.158). For instance, some schools in countries such as France, Spain, and the United Kingdom have introduced smartphone bans in the belief that they will improve academic performance and reduce distractions in classrooms.

Rather than advocating for a blanket ban, the report discusses the importance of establishing clear policies for the responsible use of technology. It suggests that effective policies should include transparency, clarity, and evidence-based decisions while ensuring that students are educated on the risks and opportunities of using technology.

The report emphasizes the balance between managing risks associated with technology and preparing students for a digital future, rather than universally banning devices like smartphones in schools.

PISA Data

In the PISA 2022 survey, school administrators were asked to report if there was a smartphone ban in their school [i.e., the use of smartphones is not allowed on school premises] (OECD, 2023). Kemp and colleagues (2024) analysed the responses and found that when the percentage of schools that ban phones in a country is plotted against mean results in science, mathematics and reading for that country, a statistically significant but small negative trend exists (p < .001***, R ² = .13). They found that for every 10 per cent increase in the number of schools in a country banning phones, PISA scores fall by 0.09 of a standard deviation, or 9.4 points. In other words, the higher the percentage of schools in a particular country that have bans in place for phones, the lower that country’s average PISA score.

Additionally, they found that OECD countries appear to perform very differently from non-OECD countries, getting higher science, mathematics and reading results on average, and being less likely to implement bans. Kemp and colleagues (2024) found that when gender, social class, and school behaviour are controlled for, students in schools with smartphone bans have lower achievement across their PISA test scores than those in schools that allow phone use. Based on preliminary analysis of the PISA data, the researchers concluded that when considering a smartphone ban, the relationship between a range of variables – not just student distraction – should be investigated to support policymakers in deciding to implement smartphone bans in schools.

United Kingdom

A recent study by Goodyear and colleagues (2025) undertook a cross-sectional observational study with adolescents from 30 English secondary schools, comprising 20 schools with restrictive and 10 with permissive policies. The study found that restrictive school policies did not lead to lower phone and social media use, nor better mental wellbeing outcomes in adolescents. The researchers concluded that there is no evidence to support that restrictive school phone policies, in their current forms, have a beneficial effect on adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing or related outcomes.
A quantitative study by Beland and Murphy (2016) examined exam scores in post-primary school students and found that in schools that implemented a mobile phone ban, the ban had slightly better results for underachieving students but had no significant effect on high-achieving students. Beland and Murphy (2016) suggested that the most likely explanation for this difference is that low-achieving students may have poorer self-control and become distracted by the presence of mobile phones, whilst high-achievers might be more focused in the classroom regardless of the mobile phone policy.

Another study in the UK involved a large-scale test of the so-called Goldilocks Hypothesis to examine the relationship between digital screen use and the mental well-being of adolescents. The findings demonstrated that moderate use of digital technology is not intrinsically harmful and may be advantageous in a connected world (Przybylski & Weinstein, 2017).

In addition, other researchers in the UK presented a critical account of the shortcomings of the literature on screen time (Kaye et al., 2020). The authors highlight that existing research on screen time showed mixed results and there is a lack of longitudinal evidence for casual or long-term effects. Further, the authors outline that a shortcoming of literature on screen time includes poor conceptualisation of what screen time is, as there is no universally accepted definition amongst experts. Thus, it is difficult to determine what is specifically meant by screen time, as it is a quite vast conceptualisation.

It is unsurprising that the authors highlighted that there is a wide variation in self-report measures used to capture screen time (Kaye et al., 2020). For example, some studies have examined ‘total screen time’ in respect to a certain timeframe (e.g., in the last week), whereas other studies ask about estimated amount of screen time on a school day and non-school day. Other studies take a different approach by asking participants about what type of device they use or their activity (e.g., passive use/TV viewing, social media use etc) or focusing on one specific technology use or the use of a specific platform. This wide variety of questions asked to participants may account for the mixed findings on screen time and its impacts, particularly among adolescents. Finally, it is important to note that self-report measures are common practice in social science research, however evidence suggests that they can be particularly ill-fitting for gaining accurate information on an individual’s technology related use (Ellis, 2019; Sewall et al., 2020).

The largest study ever of internet use and wellbeing, which involved 2.4 million participants in 168 countries found that on average, across countries and demographics, individuals (including children) who had internet access, mobile internet access, or actively used the internet, reported greater levels of life satisfaction, positive experiences online, experiences of purpose, and physical, community, and social well-being, and lower levels of negative experiences (Vuorre & Przybylski, 2023). The researchers in this study found that their results did not provide evidence supporting the view that the Internet and technologies enabled by it, such as smartphones, actively promote or harm well-being/mental health.

USA

Researchers from the USA utilised two nationally representative surveys of more than half a million adolescents in the USA to examine screen time on ‘new media’ (including social media and electronic devices, such as smartphones) and mental health impacts (Twenge et al., 2018). The authors concluded that adolescents who report higher levels of screen time were more likely to report mental health issues. However, more recent research and meta-analyses demonstrate that there is conflicting evidence on screen-time, use of technology and mental health impacts amongst adolescent samples.

One major review of existing research in the USA (Ivie et al., 2020) focused on social media and depression among 11–18-year olds concluded that social media is one of the least influential factors predicting adolescents’ mental health. In fact, the most influential factors include family history of mental illness, early exposure to adverse experiences, and family-related stressors.

A more recent study from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine (2023) on ‘Social Media and Adolescent Mental Health’, found that available research that links social media to mental health shows small effects and weak associations, which may be influenced by a combination of good and bad experiences. The research team concluded that contrary to the current cultural narrative that social media is universally harmful to adolescents, the reality is more complicated than this narrative suggests.

Recently another meta-analysis from researchers in the United States and United Kingdom on 46 studies on adolescent social media use and mental health (Ferguson et al., 2024) found that current research is unable to support claims of harmful effects for social media use on adolescent mental health (e.g., anxiety and depression). The researchers highlighted that there were methodological issues with the current research and recommended that caution should be taken when attributing mental health harm to social media use for adolescents, as the current evidence does not support this.

Further, these researchers highlighted that it is not unreasonable for parents to ask questions or be concerned about their adolescent’s social media use, however, parents are currently being misled by unsupportable rhetoric from some policymakers and professionals to believe that the evidence for harm is greater than it is (Ferguson et al., 2024). Finally, these researchers advocate that policymakers and professionals should adopt more cautious reporting standards when discussing social concerns which the evidence for is weak.

Sweden

Researchers in Sweden replicated Beland and Murphy’s (2016) study by conducting a quantitative study investigating whether smartphone bans had a positive impact on academic performance (Kessel et al., 2020). That study found no impact of smartphone bans, either positive or negative, on student’s academic performance and rejected small-sized gains. Notably, Kessel and colleagues (2020) collected data from the entire country’s population of 15–16-year-olds, unlike Beland and Murphy (2016) who only sampled participants from four UK cities. Echoing Beland and Murphy (2016) in the UK, the authors suggest that on the face of it banning phones looks like a “low-cost” solution and such bans should not be expected to change the basis of students’ performance drastically.

A qualitative study in Sweden on student experiences of smartphone bans found that students were left balancing their phone usage with the teachers’ arbitrary enforcement of policy. The researchers concluded that, despite this, smartphones are increasingly becoming a resource in the students’ infrastructure for learning (Ott et al., 2018).

Australia

Recently, two leading experts from Queensland University of Technology and The University of Queensland in Australia, along with a team of researchers, conducted a scoping review on global evidence for and against banning mobile phones in schools (Campbell et al., 2024). The aim of this review was to examine whether student mobile phone use at school is beneficial or disruptive to engagement and learning and investigate the impact of using mobile phones at school on academic outcomes, mental health wellbeing and cyberbullying. Global research on mobile phone bans improving academic performance is conflicting, as the authors cited that reconciling the results was challenging and findings should be treated with caution due to the differences in methods and measures, as well as discrepancies with operational definitions of the bans. Due to this complexity, interpretation of findings that may inform policies requires a nuanced approach.

Further, this review by Campbell and colleagues (2024) found that research examining the relationship between attitudes to mobile phone use (i.e., correlational relationship) and student learning is mixed, as some studies demonstrate that bans help improve learning and other studies do not show any improvement. Interestingly studies, which were conducted in different settings, found that students prefer to have autonomy with their phone use at school regardless of the policy, with many reporting that they use their devices despite the bans (Gao et al., 2017; Howlett & Waemusa, 2019; Walker, 2013).

In this review (Campbell et al., 2024), studies that explored the evidence to support smartphone bans in schools for protecting student mental health and wellbeing were inconclusive. Further, research supporting smartphone bans for reducing bullying and cyberbullying is also divided. The review’s authors stated how crucial it is to recognise that banning mobile phones and not banning other internet connected devices in schools is a simplistic solution that is unlikely to have any meaningful impact.

In addition, if a student wants to cyberbully another student, they could use any tool available to them at school, such as laptops, tablets, smartwatches or library computers. It is also important to note that cyberbullying often happens outside of school hours and off school grounds (Smith et al., 2008) and is usually an online expression of offline bullying (Wolke et al. 2017). In addition, by banning phones there is a risk of driving cyberbullying behaviour underground or making students more underhand (Brewer, 2014). The review by Campbell and colleagues (2024) concludes by recommending that policymakers and school administrators should emphasise the importance of teaching critical digital literacy skills and responsible device use in schools. Without this vital education and support to safely navigate online spaces, providing children and adolescents with unrestricted access to smartphones potentially places them at greater risk of harm from digital predators or harmful content.

Summary

The international research outlined is clearly mixed and somewhat conflicting, with most studies showing that smartphone ban policies can have little or no impact on education and wellbeing among students in different countries.

Considering the combined findings of international studies, regulating smartphone use at school requires further research on the effectiveness of policies, particularly exploring what will meet the students’ best short-term and long-term interests. In addition, no current research can be said to definitively demonstrate that smartphone bans completely protect children and adolescents from online bullying or harmful content. Furthermore, there is no research evidence that students do not use other devices to bully each other or to access harmful content if there are smartphone bans, considering that most schools use laptops or iPads within the classroom, and most children have access to a device at home. Thus, these justifications for a smartphone ban are not supported by current evidence-based research.

Image of a young oerson looking at her phone

Current Study

The main aim of current study is to understand the experiences and understanding of students in Irish primary and post-primary schools where bans are in place.

The data was collected by a team from the DCU Anti-Bullying Centre between April and June 2024.

The team chose to undertake qualitative research for three reasons:

  1. It is not possible to undertake a pre/post study to assess the impact of restrictions/bans without raising serious ethical issues and over a longer period than the time allowed for the study.
  2. The researchers were concerned with the real lived experience of the students where restrictions/bans were in place and as such qualitative research methods allowed us to obtain a deeper understanding than surveys and other quantitative methods.
  3. The current debate around children’s and adolescents’ smartphone uses in schools and beliefs around its negative impacts have mostly only included adult voices. The voices of children and adolescents have been absent, and the researchers wanted to hear directly from them.
Ethical Approval

There were several ethical issues to be considered for this study. Firstly, confidentiality and anonymity for participants. Secondly, ensuring the safety and wellbeing of students, and thirdly, ensuring that researchers did not lead or introduce any bias into the data collection and analysis.

Consequently, the research team considered the best methods and approaches to use in recruiting participants and conducting focus groups with students. All research procedures were designed to align with government guidance on developing and conducting ethical research with children (Department of Children and Youth Affairs, 2012). The current study was approved by Dublin City University’s Research Ethics Committee prior to commencing data collection. The research project received a full committee review and written permission was sought to conduct research from all schools participating in the study.

Participants

Participants were recruited via a purposive sampling strategy across 6 schools that were a mix of co-educational, single-sex, fee paying, mainstream, and DEIS schools. Focus groups involved 66 students (44 girls and 22 boys) aged between 10 and 18 years of age.

Consent

In advance of the focus groups’ consent was obtained from each student’s parent/caregiver (see Appendix 1 for further detail). On the day of the focus groups, students were asked to consent and informed that they could withdraw at any point without consequence. Students were provided with age-appropriate plain language statements and consent forms which included information on what the study would entail, storage of data, limits to confidentiality, anonymity, and contact details for support if they required it at any stage during or after the focus group (see Appendix 2 and 3 for further detail). Any student who was 18 years old provided their own consent.

Study Design

The researchers conducted focus groups with students in schools. The focus groups were based on the Lundy Model of Child Participation (2007), which is based on four key concepts (i.e. Space, Voice, Audience, and Influence). Students were engaged in discussions about their experiences and understanding of smartphone bans and this provided insights into whether these bans or restrictions have been effective within schools. Schools are not named within this report to protect participants’ confidentiality.

Focus Groups with Students

Participants were informed that a voice recorder was being used to facilitate transcription of what they said in focus groups and that the recording would be destroyed after the data had been transcribed. The focus groups were held in a private classroom on school grounds. Both researchers and participants sat in a circle, as it encourages interaction and facilitates a more comfortable and open discussion amongst a group. One researcher facilitated the focus groups and the other two researchers acted as moderators. The focus groups began with icebreakers, which were utilised to ensure that participants began to feel comfortable. The icebreakers used in the focus groups are explained in greater detail below. Researchers developed an interview schedule (see Appendix 4 for further detail), but participants were able to lead the discussion within their groups, and the researchers asked follow-up questions to clarify any comments. The interview schedule was only used to pose further questions to prompt discussion if the group was slow to engage. At the end of the focus groups, participants were provided with debrief sheets which contained contact details for support organisations should any student feel they required them. The researchers took notes individually during and after all interviews. Any personal information was removed to maintain confidentiality.

Icebreaker

An icebreaker activity was utilised in this study because they help participants build trust, feel more open to begin a conversation, and encourage participation (Chlup & Collins, 2010). The icebreaker activity chosen for post-primary students utilised news clippings discussing smartphone bans and asking participants what they thought of these news headlines. This icebreaker activity was chosen due to how relative it was to the main discussion of the focus groups. The image below depicts an example of a news headline that was utilised in the focus groups.

For the primary school participants, photo elicitation was chosen, as it prompted discussion amongst participants on smartphone use. The image below demonstrates what was used for photo elicitation with the primary school students.

The Lundy Model

In line with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, researchers used the Lundy Model of Child Participation as a framework for the focus groups with student participants in this study. The model involves four core components that should be adhered to during data collection with children and adolescents, which can be seen in Figure 1. below.

Image of the Lundy Model

The research team ensured that they adhered to the Lundy Model by using the following checklist in planning and carrying out the focus groups:

Image of The Lundy Model Checklist for Participation

The ongoing debate on smartphone use by children and adolescents has been dominated by adult concerns on the potential or perceived dangers of smartphones and social media, which in turn seeks to justify smartphone bans in schools. Children and adolescent voices and perspectives have been largely absent on an issue that directly impacts them. Thus, it was important for the research team to implement the Lundy Model to ensure that children and adolescents had space, voice, audience, and influence when participating in this research. Further, this report marks the first time that children and adolescents’ voices have been heard on this issue in an empirical study in Ireland.

Analysis Approach

Reflexive thematic analysis was utilised to analyse the data from the current study, as it is an easily accessible and theoretically flexible interpretative approach to qualitative data analysis, which facilitates the identification and analysis of patterns or themes in a given dataset (Braun & Clarke, 2012). Further, this approach acknowledges the researcher’s active role in knowledge production (Braun and Clarke 2019a). Thus, codes represent the researcher’s interpretations of patterns of meaning across the dataset. The process of coding (and theme development) is flexible and organic and often evolves throughout the analytical process (Braun et al. 2019b).

The analysis followed six phases. Phase one involved familiarisation with the data, which entailed reading and re-reading the entire dataset. Phase two involved generating initial codes, which produced succinct and shorthand descriptive labels for information that was relevant to the research questions. Phase three reviewed and analysed how the different codes that shared similar features may be combined to form potential themes or sub-themes. Phase four involved reviewing potential themes. Phase five presented how the researcher must define and name themes. All themes must create a lucid narrative that is consistent with the content of the dataset and information relevant to the research questions (Byrne, 2022). Phase six involved the write-up of the themes, which are presented in the findings section below.

Image of a young person student working on a laptop

Findings

Smartphone bans had been in place for at least one academic year in all the schools that participated in this study. Overall, students expressed frustration that they were not consulted about the introduction of a ban within their school and highlighted the complexities with smartphone use in their lives. Please note that we have separated the findings regarding students into post-primary and primary.

Types of Smartphone Bans

While smartphone bans were in place in all the schools that participated in this study, each of the schools involved in the study had different approaches to a smartphone ban. Post-primary schools used Yondr and PhoneAwayBoxes, and primary schools used voluntary smartphone codes arranged through parents.

Yondr

Some schools utilised Yondr pouches, which are grey pouches that hold smartphones and have magnetic locks at the top that can only be opened by teachers. Below shows an image of a Yondr pouch.

Image of Yondr pouch

In schools that utilise the Yondr pouches, students must put their smartphone into the pouch and lock it at the beginning of the school day. In the policy of some schools, students must demonstrate putting the phone into the pouch and lock it in front of their teacher.

The image below shows the lock of the Yondr pouch that students must close in front of a teacher in some schools.

Image of Yondr pouch lock

Once closed the Yondr pouches are supposed to only be opened with a specific device, which can be viewed in the image below. Schools varied considerably on how they implement the pouch opener. For example, one school hangs several pouch openers near the school gates and on benches at the end of the day for students to open their pouches. Another school has teachers, who have class at the end of the day, bring openers to class, which allows students to open their pouches before they leave school. Further, another school has the Yondr opening device locked behind a black box, which is mounted to the wall. The door to the box is opened before classes start but is then locked until the end of the day. Please see images below for the Yondr pouch opening device and a black box that holds the opening device.

Image of Yondr pouch and opener

Yonder Opener (left) and Pouch (right)

Image of a closed black box which contains a pouch opener

A closed black box which contains a pouch opener

PhoneAwayBox

Another approach found in some schools was what is known as a PhoneAwayBox. Students in this school must put their phone into a clear plastic case and lock it. As seen in the images below, students have a combination key for their PhoneAwayBox, and students must use their code to open the box.

Image of PhoneAwayBox on Student’s Lockers
Image of PhoneAwayBox on Student’s
Lockers

Closer Image of PhoneAwayBox on Students Lockers
Closer Image of PhoneAwayBox on Students Lockers

Voluntary Codes

Primary schools have taken a different approach to post-primary schools. For instance, the primary schools who have taken part in the present study have utilised a voluntary smartphone code. The voluntary code was led by parents often with the support of the school. Parents/guardians sign up for the code and state their intention to not buy their child a smartphone until they are in post-primary. Parents/guardians can access information on how many other parents/guardians have signed up to the voluntary code. It is important to note that block phones with no internet access were not included in any of these codes.

Image of a student looking at his phone

Post-Primary Students Perspective

Benefits and Drawbacks of Smartphones

During discussions on the role of smartphones in their lives, students expressed a nuanced view. Most of the students stated that a benefit of having a smartphone is the independence and safety it provides, with one student explaining:

“You…have more freedom. You can go out and your parents don’t have to worry too much about where you are. You can let them know.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 3).

 

Another student echoed this sentiment on safety:

“But [it’s] a safety thing like, even though people say phones are a danger, they’re a big safety thing as well. If you need to call someone or you need help, it isn’t very realistic to go out without your phone these days.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 4).

 

Other students talked about other benefits to smartphones, such as:

“Messaging your friends”
(Student 2, Focus Group 1).

 

“Tools we…use to enhance learning…like Duolingo or you can go onto search engines for loads of different things.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 2).

 

“Making plans with your friends.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 3).

 

For students across all focus groups, smartphones are intrinsically linked with their life and assist in maintaining friendships, providing safety, and learning. Thus, smartphones are not viewed by adolescents as inherently bad or dangerous, instead they understood that smartphones can be used for good or bad activities and/or behaviours.

One student explained how adolescents can see the benefits and risks of social media, whereas adults only have a negative perception of social media:

“Another thing, [adolescents] would…watch videos with each other, [or] show people videos that they like… . But I think lots of adults…have a…big disconnect between what social media is to them and what it is to [us]…they only see it as a problem…like ‘oh, you can get addicted to it, you might get bullied on it’. They always look at the negatives and think that all social media is negative. Whereas the reality is it’s not. There’s lots of things that can overshadow the bad. The bad is still a prominent factor, but…more…good things show up than bad.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 6).

 

In another focus group, one student said that they had never seen any adults provide proof of their concerns, which made it difficult to understand adults’ perspectives:

“I’ve never heard any proof. They also [say]: ‘oh my God, yeah, don’t be on your phone, you’re on your phone too much, it causes brain rot’. How does it [happen]? Because…I don’t understand [that].”
(Student 2, Focus Group 5).
Lack of Student Voice & Agency

Most students indicated that they were not consulted before or after the introduction of a smartphone ban in their school. For example, one group told us that:

“we just walked in the first day and it happened.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 1)

 

In a different focus group, one student discussed how there is a mixed view on the ban in their school, but highlighting how they had not been consulted about the ban:

“…like when they implemented the ban, they didn’t even ask us. The principal just did it and I think….I think it kind of really broke people’s trust. Students felt like they didn’t trust us. They didn’t even ask. They just said: we’re implementing this.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 2).

 

Other students informed us of the reasons provided to them for the ban being implemented in their school:

“We were told at the start, that there was so much bullying going on and maybe like pictures being taken of teachers and students and stuff, we never saw those pictures or heard what the situation was. We were just told ‘oh, your phones are going away now, you’re not allowed to have them’, that’s it, done. Which I think is so silly, especially for our school. We have i-Pads so if you want to take a picture. It’s so easy.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 4).

 

Students indicated that they abided by the previous mobile phone policy and would not use their phone during class time. However, they now felt that they were being punished for the bad behaviour of a few others and that this was not fair. Students felt that those who broke the rules should be the ones who are punished. One student explained this position:

“So, they got introduced this year…it almost felt like this school didn’t trust you enough… they should trust you to just put your phone in your bag and just leave it there for seven hours and not touch it…. . But when they first announced the yonder pouches, I was like: you’re kind of painting us all with the same brush here. Like there’s only a very small group of people who are not keeping the rules. And everyone is being told to put them in the pouches.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 2).

 

Others explained that there had been restrictions in place before the ban, which were adequate, and they also felt that the ban was unrealistic when, similar to adults, smartphones are already blended into their daily life. They were frustrated that they had not been given an opportunity to explain this to those who introduced the ban in their school:

“I think a big thing is, like, our phone is our property. In this day and age, everybody has a phone. It’s built into society now. And we didn’t get a say. It was just: yeah, we’re taking something you own and we’re locking it away. You’re not allowed on it anymore. And just, it’s a bit unrealistic… . If you’re an adult, you have rights to your own property, which includes your phone. So yeah, I think the ban in place is a bit harsh considering there were punishments in place before that.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 4).

 

As highlighted above, most students said that they were not consulted about the smartphone ban and, in most schools, teachers have not asked for their opinions on the ban since it was implemented. This led into a wider discussion on how students generally have little say about what happens within schools, whether that is with regard to uniforms, facilities, what is taught and learned, and school policies. Most students expressed frustration at the limited role student councils had in their school. Students said that teachers or the principal retain all the power to make decisions.

One student said:

“We have a Student Council, but the Student Council doesn’t really do much during the year… if the principal doesn’t like the idea, it kind of just gets shut down.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 5)

 

Students stated that they have no voice in decisions and have no other recourse but to do what teachers tell them. Students said that schools disempower them and indicated that their opinions are unimportant, particularly on any policies or initiatives that directly impact them. A small number of students even expressed that a smartphone ban in their school is in direct contention with their rights as a child.

For example, one participant stated:

“…and doing something like taking our phones away is very much like I’m older than you, I’m bigger than you, I have more power than you, what about the rights of the child?.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 4).

 

Students felt that there was more people in power could do to elevate the student voice and agency, with one student explaining:

“I think there’s a lot more that could be done to promote the student voice and, like, students’ experiences in school…especially like mental health issues… . A lot of the mental health support, you can only get from the guidance counsellor…if you don’t have a smartphone.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 6).

 

Students also discussed that in the cases of trying to contact home or go home from school due to being sick, they felt that teachers do not take students seriously. One student said:

“Like I’m not being listened to, like an emergency could be different for other people than for me. But I just feel like I’m not being listened to. Like, I go to the office for help and they’re telling me I can’t have it.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 1).

 

Further, students rejected the perspective of parents and teachers that the ban will allow students to be more social with one another. Students felt that they should have autonomy over who they become friends with and it is up to students to decide if they want to make more friends. One student explained:

“Like I’m not being listened to, like a different emergency could be different for other people than to me. But I just feel like, I’m not being listened to. Like, I go to the office for help and they’re telling me I can’t have it.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 1).

 

Further, students rejected the perspective of teachers that the ban will allow students to be more social with one another. Students felt that they should have autonomy over who they become friends with and it is up to students to decide if they want to make more friends. One student explained:

“I don’t think it’s encouraging people to talk more. If they don’t want to talk, they’re not going to.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 1).

 

For the majority of students in this study, they felt that school staff (Teachers, Secretaries and Principals) do not hear students’ opinions on issues that directly impact them, nor do they feel as if their voice is important. Students want to be listened to by adults and believe that more could be done to elevate their voices on issues around school life, including the use of smartphones.

Preparation for a Blended Life

Students said that they felt that the ban did not teach them anything useful, as it did not prepare them for life and work outside, and after school. They spoke about how they were not building digital literacy, critical thinking, resilience and social skills around phone use. One student explained that:

“I think [the ban] is a bit dramatic. I think we probably need more adaptable phone policies within school. We use other devices…in school and you’d rather learn about it [how to use the phone]. If phones were banned from schools…it would mean that teenagers wouldn’t be on the phones as often, but that means when they got to adulthood, [no one] would have all the literacy skills that they would need [to know about phones].”
(Student 3, Focus Group 6).

 

This student went on to further explain that a ban in school would remove a safe space where adolescents can learn about the online world and make mistakes at an age where it’s more socially acceptable for mistakes to happen, and are close to adults who can support them:

“Because it would be incredibly dangerous for school leavers…with a device they haven’t had any experience with before. And they don’t have that support of like…say people around them and they no longer have that…ability to make mistakes. Because once you get to, especially from my perception, once you get older, stupid mistakes are less forgiven. Whereas if you’re…young enough, ‘it’s like ok, that was a mistake’. We can learn from this. There’s no safe space if there’s an outright ban.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 6).

 

Another student, in a different focus group, brought up how they believed that adolescents are not taught critical thinking skills when it comes to social media:

“I think…just…teaching more critical thinking [skills] would be better, especially about new technology. Because I feel we learn about ‘oh, don’t use Wikipedia!’. We’re taught that. But they don’t teach critical thinking when it comes to social media.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 8).

 

Other students expressed that if they aren’t receiving education on how to safely use social media then they are at risk of harm whilst on these platforms outside of school:

“It’s just like there’s no education and you have to go straight into it. Some people might have to learn the hard way and might get hurt.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 8).

 

Students further explained that a ban will mean that they will not learn when it will be appropriate to use and not use smartphones in social settings. For example, students stated that when they are in college or employed that their smartphones will not be restricted, as they are expected to have learned when it is appropriate to use their phone.

One participant stated:

“We’re not building the self-control, the self-discipline. We have to learn to live with our phones…but [also] be able to not go on them [at times]. It’s developing a skill.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 4).

 

Another student explained that students needed more support and felt that a ban would make it more difficult for adolescents to understand and deal with situations regarding smartphones:

“I think there should be some sort of way of helping kids get through to adulthood and being able to understand situations and deal with situations. I think this ban would only make it harder for people. Because school wouldn’t be there to help you or stop you from using your phone when you were older.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 6).
Resisting the Ban

Resistance to the ban was common among students, who achieved this through a variety of means. One student explained why they believe students resist the ban:

“I feel people are more inclined to bend the rules, now that the rules are in place. Like people, especially our age, have this mindset, if there’s a rule taking something from you, they want that thing [phone] back. If you had access to the phone and people had it in their bags, they wouldn’t be thinking about it too much but now that it’s taken [away], they have this inherent thought: they want that [phone] back.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 4).

 

A fellow student further explained how other students resist the ban in their school:

“Some people have found ways around it…you can whack it [Yondr] on the table…..or if you shove a pen into the side, it might crack open. Or even if you buy your own magnet, say, you could just use that.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 4).

 

This was reflected in another school where students said that it was common to break the ban:

“Well…they’ll go somewhere where there isn’t a teacher and use it (phone).”
(Student 2, Focus Group 7).

 

“Some [use phones] in the toilets.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 7).

 

A main rationale for implementing the ban was to prevent students from accessing their phones and reduce distractions in school. From the conversations with students across different schools, it is evident that students are finding ways to access their phones during the school day and are often distracted by thinking about how to access their phone. In fact, we found that the stricter the ban the more intensely students sought ways to subvert it.

Different Rules for Teachers

There was a perception among students that teachers were not obliged to follow the same rules for their smartphone use in schools. Students reported that they had seen teachers in class using their smartphones and on social media apps. For example, one participant said that they had seen their teacher in the classroom:

“on TikTok one Thursday”
(Student 3, Focus Group 2).

 

Another student had witnessed teachers on their phones throughout the school day:

“They get a call during the class…sometimes you see them in the hall on their phones…and outside when they are supposed to be supervising, on their phone, like walking up and down.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 7).

 

Students highlighted that teachers do not model the behaviour they require from the students in this regard, as they tell students how they cannot have their phones, Students argued that teachers do not model the behaviour they require from the students in this regard, as they tell students how they cannot have their phones, but teachers can use their phones whenever they want. Further, students said that teachers often disrupt class with their own phone use:

“Even the teachers, they’re highly reliant on their own phone. I think…they seem to be more reliant because you’ll see them, they’re constantly checking [and] replying to stuff. It’s constantly buzzing in the classes…so, I think, even if they had the same rule in place…if we have to put our phones away, they should have to do it too.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 4).

 

Students were very exercised that teachers are not leading by example, particularly as they have told students how concerning smartphone use is in schools.

Better Use of Funds

Students across all schools minimised the importance of potential problems with smartphones and reported that there are more pressing issues in their schools that need to be addressed. They highlighted issues they experience with facilities in schools (broken toilets, quality of school meals, uniforms), as well as concerns about health issues. For example, one student brought up a pressing concern for them:

“Some of the bathrooms are locked and there’s only a certain amount open. And in the ones that are open, the doors get jammed. Or there’s no soap.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 8)

 

One group of students unanimously stated that they felt the money that the school had spent on Yondr pouches could have been put to better use:

“I’m very sure that they [principal] said they spent [X euro] on phone pouches, which we could have used to make our facilities better. Like our toilets are in a very bad state! The girls’ toilets have no toilet seats….are not working well, the school is all over the place. And they used that [money] as they’re more concerned [about] phones…”
(Student 2, Focus Group 4).

 

Another group of students stated that vaping was a bigger problem in their school. One student stated:

“There’s a huge vaping problem which I would feel particularly strong about. In this particular school, it should take priority over mobile phones.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 8).

 

From the students’ perspective, they experienced more immediate problems with school facilities than they did from smartphones. Students said that such concerns were more pressing and should have been dealt with first rather than focusing on banning smartphones in schools when there had already been a mobile phone policy in place.

Complexity & Vulnerability

Students emphasised how complex their lives can be and that the introduction of smartphone bans showed a lack of recognition of this by schools. One student explained:

“I think there’s a general overview of: we all have it easy and if we complain, we’re taking things for granted.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 8).

 

In one focus group, there was a discussion on how adults, particularly teachers, do not acknowledge that students can have significant responsibilities at home. One student explained that:

“From my experience, I know somebody, and he was a carer for his younger sibling….he had his phone like on silent ring in case he was needed by his sibling….and it was clearly established between the year Head and teachers that if he just needed to take a phone call, he could just go and take it… he needed to have his phone for a good reason.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 8).

 

Students wanted school policies to be flexible and recognise that they cannot always leave their home lives outside of school.

Students indicated that they do not always feel comfortable nor safe in disclosing personal issues to teachers, as they view many teachers as unfamiliar to them. One student explained why they felt this way:

“While teachers are an authority figure, you don’t really know them. So, if you say: ‘oh, I feel unwell or like, I’m not okay in my head’, you can kind of feel like you’re exposing yourself to a stranger. I’ve had that a couple of times where a teacher has noticed that I’m a bit anxious or upset, and I’m an honest person so I would tell them. But sometimes I can feel like…it might [be safer to] try to hide it.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 6).

 

Another student in a different group explained why they do not feel comfortable discussing personal issues with teachers:

“I don’t really see the teacher [that] often, but I know my Mam very well. I wouldn’t just tell my teacher about my personal problems. I know this sounds rude, but it’s my personal problem and I trust my Mam.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 7).

 

In one school, with a smartphone ban, students reported that where they used to be able to make a quick call or send a text to a parent if they were unwell or had emotional issues, they now had to inform their class teacher, then the school secretary, and then the deputy principal before being allowed to make a call home. They reported that this led them to feel over exposed and vulnerable.

Minimising Online Risks & Adult Concerns

Although many of the students in this study reported that they were aware of occasional cases of cyberbullying, they explained that they felt that that smartphone bans do not prevent cyberbullying and that adults were overly concerned about this issue:

“I think, to be honest, [cyberbullying is] going to happen regardless of whether you have a pouch. I know that is a thing to try and stop that and I know it’s something the school is trying to do. But I think if people are going to be mean, they’re going to be mean regardless of it. If they don’t want to lock their phone, they’re not going to, they’re going to put an old phone in or they’re going to find a different [way]…”
(Student 1, Focus Group 2).

 

Further, students criticised adults who, they said, often amplify a situation because they were not aware of the context in which young people communicated with each other on smartphones and other devices:

“Just in relation to cyberbullying, there’s a lot of miscommunications that goes on online. With…face to face [communication] you can quite easily tell. Whereas, I’ve had several incidents, on our classroom chats and similar chats online, where a person will say one thing and…it may mean one thing in their way [but] it means something else [to me]. So maybe adults are missing out [on] context. So, it just spirals into this big miscommunication and that’s where the issues come up, a lot of the time…but I think there’s just a lot of miscommunications going on and the phones exaggerate that problem.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 6).

 

They said that they felt that adults use extreme examples to over-inflate risks around smartphones. In one focus group, students explained their feelings on adults’ concerns about young people on social media and smartphones in schools:

“I feel…the risks and harms [are] over-inflated. They…take one or two examples and then…it’s like everyone experiences this. I personally have never experienced cyberbullying or any [harmful] content…really adult content, nothing like that. Nobody goes seeking that out and it’s over inflated. I think they should, instead of taking all the phones away, a better solution would be…to educate us on how to use the phones. What to stay away from, what to do and what not to do. Instead of taking them away because that just makes you more scared of them. It’s just fear mongering.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 4).

 

Another student explained:

“It’s an irrational fear like the fact that none of us knew about the cyberbullying incident shows that most people in the school weren’t getting bullied online. And I…think taking away the phones in school is [not] going to do anything as bullying will happen offline anyway.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 4).

 

Other students, in a different focus group, felt that online bullying would not occur during school, and it is more likely that it occurs outside of school thus banning smartphones in school was pointless:

“I also don’t really think it’s a concern in this situation because if you are being cyberbullied, chances are it’s going to be from someone in your school. So, it’s not realistic to expect you would be cyberbullied in school if they were next to you. So, I don’t really think it’s relevant.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 1).

 

“I feel like they would be unlikely to continue cyberbullying you until they got home. There are so many people around them, their peers and their teachers that it wouldn’t really be feasible.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 1).

 

One student stated that they felt it was easier to view the smartphones as the issue rather than delving deeper into issues concerning adolescents:

“Yeah, it’s easy to blame things [phones]. Like, say you’re very upset or you have depression…it must always be those phones. Or…it could be a deeper problem, it could be the kid is very unhappy in school, but they [adults] don’t get involved…but [they say]: ‘oh, you should get off that phone more often’.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 5).

 

Students warned against adults presuming that smartphones were to blame for the increase in adolescents being diagnosed with anxiety and depression, and instead pointed towards access to better information on mental health:

“The thing that I think is very untrue is that most [adults] believe…that phones are the reason why a lot of teenagers’ mental health is really bad. Now, for some people, it definitely is the case. Some people, they get cyberbullied…but I think the reason why there’s been so much more, like, cases of people with anxiety…since phones have been released is that they’ve found that they could get diagnosed.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 5).

 

During the focus groups, students explained how adults are often more concerned than they are about the risks that can occur when using social media. They explained that technology has been a bigger part of their life compared to previous generations who may be more fearful and less equipped to respond to risks.

Many students also said that they go to friends for support about problems on social media, as they feel that parents do not fully understand social media or adolescents’ online spaces:

“I’m not saying don’t tell your parents. If there’s something going on, you should tell your parents. But I do think people our age feel more comfortable going to their peers, telling them what’s happening, getting comfort from them, rather than parents. Because I think, sometimes, parents don’t fully understand, not necessarily the way social media works, well sometimes yeah, but the way the messages come in and [parents saying]: ‘okay, you’re not allowed to have your phone at all’. I think that would upset the person more.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 2).

 

Most students indicated that they had a high level of trust in social media companies to protect them whilst online. For example, in relation to algorithms and safety strategies on social media apps students explained:

“They [social media platforms] have an algorithm, so you won’t see someone getting beaten up. You won’t see someone getting hurt…because they have community guidelines. So they…say if you post something that’s really violent or not appropriate…you won’t be allowed [to] watch it, so it just gets blocked. Also, you can put on what’s called ‘restricted mode’, so you know if things have [too] many swearings or like really bad words.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 5).

 

“For Apps…it used to be a little less restricted…but nowadays, like TikTok and all that, it’s very restricted to make sure that everyone is safe. And they always make sure that what you’re watching is in tune to what you like. And sometimes they’ll ask: do you like this ad? What do you like about it? You can report videos, press ‘I don’t want to watch this’ like, ‘don’t recommend things like this.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 5).

 

Throughout the focus groups in post-primary schools, most students indicated that they understand how algorithms work and have trained the algorithm to give them content they are interested in. Further, students engage safety strategies on social media apps to ensure that they remain safe whilst using these apps. Interestingly, students stated that they have a level of trust that social media apps will restrict harmful content to keep them safe when online.

Students felt that technology and social media is intrinsically blended into their lives and should not be viewed as an add-on, believing that many adults do not understand this. In fact, as highlighted above, students feel that adults are not comfortable with technology/social media and do not understand it enough to support adolescents when they encounter issues online, instead they report that adults often “overreact” and amplify issues more than is necessary.

Digital Citizenship Education

Despite the provision of considerable resources for digital education in schools, students reported that they were not taught enough in school about online safety and digital citizenship leading them instead to rely on their peers for guidance and skills:

“I kind of knew…due to a lot of my peers having it [phone]. One of my best friends, she sat me down [and said]: ‘this is how you do [it] all…you can block people and stuff’. And I also knew to only add my friends because I’d had that literacy from Instagram and others.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 6).

 

Students further explained that using a smartphone can in fact increase their digital literacy skills and resilience, with one participant explaining this and reporting that education in school is mostly confined to computer skills more than digital citizenship:

“I also think having a phone does increase…digital literacy [skills], so I think that way, people from a younger age, when they go to office jobs are more easily equipped because they know how to use that technology whether that means your Smartphones or laptops or computers… I think we’ve had some workshops about online safety. We had one this year… But that was more, I guess [about] how to use computers and i-Pads…we’re learning to type.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 2).

 

Students showed an eagerness to learn more about online safety, as well as skillsets of good digital citizenship.

Image of a young person looking at her phone with bullies blurred out in the background

Primary School Students Perspective

Access and Familiarity to Smartphones and Social Media Apps

Like the responses from the post-primary students, primary students also reported that they received their own phone when they were 11 or 12 years old. They also informed us that the reason they received a phone was because they were going into post-primary school and parents wanted to ensure that they had the phone for safety reasons, particularly travelling to and from school.

Students did inform us that from an early age, parents had provided access to other devices, such as an iPad. Students have access to social media apps through those devices; thus, it is not solely smartphones that provide access to social media apps for children and adolescents.

Primary school children who participated in this study attended schools where smartphones are not allowed due to parent initiated voluntary codes, which are aimed at delaying providing smartphones to children. Parents sign up to the code when their child begins primary school. Despite this, students were easily able to identity different types of smartphones (i.e. Android or iPhone) and revealed that they were frequent users of them. Students were asked how they could tell the difference, with one student explaining:

“They have different…screens. The shape of the Apple’s is different.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 9).

 

Another student explained how they could tell the difference between the make of the phones:

“Because of the different pixels at the back, that one has less Apps, and those Apps are normally associated with the iPhone.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 10).

 

All students identified that the phones had icons for social media apps and informed researchers of apps they recognised:

“Instagram, Gmail, Twitter, Google…”
(Student 1, Focus Group 9).

 

Students then explained which apps they used, with most students saying they used YouTube explaining how they access this app with one student stating they access it:

“with the telly”
(Student 4, Focus Group 9)

 

“on my tablet”
(Student 3, Focus Group 9).

 

In one focus group with primary school students from 6th class, they all reported that they had a smartphone but some also explained why they did not bring it to school:

“Because we’re probably going to get caught and they’ll probably just take it off us and we don’t want the phones to get taken off us. And we shouldn’t even be bringing them into school with us anyways. Because we have to do work in school. And school isn’t a time to be watching your phone and playing on it.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 10).

 

However, members of this group did go on to express some frustration explaining that there were times they need access to a phone, specifically for travelling to and from school and attending appointments:

“Like if you’re…late [to school] or [there’s] a doctor’s appointment. You don’t know whether they’ll be home…”
(Student 5, Focus Group 10).

 

Another student said:

“In case you live…very far away and you need your parents to…pick you up….”
(Student 3, Focus Group 10).

 

It was evident from the focus groups that if children did not have their own phone that they had access to a phone or a device within their home. Similar to post-primary school students in this study, the primary school students used phones or devices for entertainment (e.g., watching YouTube videos or shorts), completing homework and mostly to communicate with friends.

Student Acquiescence

Students were clear on why their parents did not allow them to have their own phone while in primary school repeating what they had heard from their parents:

“cyberbullying….and… “maybe your brain rots [because of phones]…”
(Student 5, Focus Group 9),

 

“spending too much time on it”
(Student 6, Focus Group 9),

 

Students who did not have their own phone talked about what they might use one for when they go to post-primary school:

“Watching stuff, contacting my friends. Because not all of us are heading for the same Secondary school…”
(Student 2, Focus Group 9).

 

“I’d be texting my friends quite a lot and probably watching some stuff and…studying…too.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 9).

 

Another student in this group felt that they would need a phone to have more independence in post-primary school:

“I could be walking to school. If I wanted to call my friends, ask if they maybe want to meet up somewhere.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 9).

 

Interestingly, primary students did not seem overly concerned about cyberbullying and reported that it was not something that had happened to them or anyone they knew.

In relation to spending too much time on a phone, students expressed trust in their parents to guide them on how to regulate their usage:

“I’ll be able to judge when I have one [phone] and I’d say my Mum and Dad will put settings with what they allow on it.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 9).

 

These younger students seemed to rely less on smartphones and other devices instead spending more time on school and/or other leisure activities such as sports, dance, and playdates.

“You’re usually just busy with work [in school]. Or you’re out…playing football with your friends. You don’t really think about your phone.”
(Student 2, Focus Group 10).

 

Another student said:

“There’s not really time to think about the phone. You can’t just think of your phone when you’re doing work [in school] because you need [to] focus when you’re doing work…like say if you were doing tests and you were thinking of your phone instead of the test, then you would probably fail…”
(Student 1, Focus Group 10).

 

Overall, it seemed that these primary students had yet to develop a realisation about the scope of content and activities that can be accessed on smartphones and were more inclined to engage in offline activities that preoccupied them, relying on their parents to mediate the online world for them.

Learning about Online Safety

Primary school students stated that they learn about how to be safe online from the internet itself, their parents and in school:

“You could go onto a website [and search] ‘how to be safe on phones’ or you could even ask your parents who have them, because they’ve learnt from experience.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 10).

 

One student said:

“In school you do a cyberbullying [lesson] and how to be safe online.”
(Student 5, Focus Group 10).

 

Students reported that online safety lessons were delivered by teachers and outside speakers. However, while primary school students seemed to have a higher awareness of digital safety education than post-primary students, they also expressed some frustration in that they said the information is repetitive and they watch the same safety videos each year:

“Yeah, we…have already learned it…the year before as well. Like, we would watch the same video every year. So, we already knew that from that as well.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 10).

 

Overall students in primary schools said that they mostly relied on their parents to learn about online safety.

Image of a young person on their phone

Student’s Advice to Minister for Education

In line with the Lundy approach to children’s participation, students in primary and post-primary were asked what advice they would give to the Minister for Education regarding smartphones in schools.

Student responses covered topics from the introduction of a new policy on smartphones to the provision of education on digital wellbeing. One student said:

“I would say keep an open mind. It’s a massive grey area and you can’t put students or anyone into a box. You’re not looking at numbers at the end of the day, you’re looking at people.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 8).

 

Another student believed that the previous more flexible school rules should be reintroduced stating:

“You can have your phone on you, and…if you get caught in class, the teacher has the right to take it off you and give you detention. It’s your fault for going on it but [this] should just be allowed to happen. It [should be] switched off in your bag…during class. If you disobey that, that’s your own fault.”
(Student 1, Focus Group 1).

 

Another student had the same opinion stating:

“If you get caught with your phone, it’s good to punish you with detention. I think it was last year when we were in [School Year], you had your phone on you or in your bag. Then if you got caught in class, you got detention or it got taken off you for the day, and you got it back [at the end of] the day. Enforce that type of policy because it’s just…fairer.”
(Student 4, Focus Group 1).

 

For these students and others, they believed that enforcing the previous more flexible approach was fairer, as they felt it was unfair to punish all students for a select few who misused their phones. For them, phone misuse should be dealt with on a case-by-case basis.

Another student outlined how technology has a big part for learning in the classroom:

“Schools nowadays, they’re very digital. Like, we use technology for literally everything. And every class [we] use technology. And so, unless they have a substitute for people using their phones, or another way to use computers or iPads as well….”
(Student 5, Focus Group 7).

 

Other students believed that it was important that students are educated about how to be safer online, specifically taught skills on how to identify harmful content, and what they should do if they encounter such content. Students stated that social media is not the problem, rather it’s adolescents’ lack of knowledge on how to navigate it safely:

“I’d say educate people. The problem isn’t social media… . If you go on social media and you’re looking at something bad and you see that on every site, it becomes normal…but I think we should be more educated about it: what to look out for.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 8).

 

Other students believed that putting resources into smartphone bans was not beneficial, as resources need to be put into digital education instead:

“They’re really putting their resources towards the wrong thing… . I think if they put more resources towards educating people on how to use them [phones], instead of completely taking them away and putting all these things in place for people to just find a way around them… . If people want their phones, people are going to get them. Kids nowadays are really smart, so they’ll find ways, no matter what you throw at them. So…it’s mainly educating people. If you have maybe one class a week, just to educate people how to use their phone, how to be safe online, stuff like that. Instead of just taking everything away, [and] just being scared. It’s…accepted that phones are here now, there’s nothing you can do about it, just educate people on how to use them properly.”
(Student 3, Focus Group 4).

 

Students wanted the government to issue advice via an awareness campaign to children and adolescents across the country on how they could stay safe online. This student wanted children and adolescents to know practical skills to be safe online and provided one example of this:

“Know how to block people if you don’t properly know them….”
(Student 1, Focus Group 4).

 

Overall, students did not support the idea of a smartphone ban and the use of resources to implement that ban. Instead, they had practical solutions to issues around smartphone use in schools, with the majority of students feeling strongly that education rather than a ban or restrictive approach was the best solution to keeping them safe. They emphasised that they needed to be prepared for the challenges they would meet online in the future.

Image of a teacher teaching

Study Limitations

This is a qualitative study; therefore, it would not be appropriate to generalise findings although the insights and experiences shared by participants in this study may be transferable. Furthermore, we did not involve parents who may have other experiences and perceptions to add to our understanding. Please note that we did interview teachers on their experiences of smartphone bans in schools, but the findings are not part of this report. However, we will report on teachers’ experiences in a separate research output. All the schools in our sample were located on the East coast of the country in rural towns and suburban areas, so further research should involve schools from a wider area and both rural as well as urban populations. Finally, most of our participants were female and there were no students identified to the researchers with special educational needs which should be addressed in any further studies.

Conclusion

Students’ smartphone use has been questioned in recent years, as some adults believe children and adolescents’ smartphone use is harmful to their mental health, disruptive to learning and contributes to cyberbullying and problematic internet use (Duke & Montag, 2017; Elhai et al., 2016; Škařupová et al., 2016). Based on these beliefs, which are often expressed in the absence of research evidence, some schools and parent groups have started to introduce approaches to ban or restrict the presence of smartphones from schools. Aligned with this, some reporting about smartphones may unwittingly perpetuate a disproportionate feeling of fear that smartphones alone threaten the wellbeing of children and adolescents (Etchells, 2024; Ogers, 2024). Propagating such negative perceptions clouds the responsibilities of social media companies and governments, as it is an easier solution to ban smartphones rather delving deeper into the issues at hand. Further, by negating responsibilities of these stakeholders, we are not making these online spaces safer, which is then compounded by not teaching adolescents key critical digital citizenship skills, which is a key issue at hand.

Both primary and post-primary students have clearly outlined that they have not been consulted about the implementation of smartphone bans nor had their feedback been sought in a meaningful way since bans had been implemented. Mindful of the rights afforded to children and adolescents under Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Irish Second-Level Students Union have stated that they have not been consulted by the Department of Education on proposals to ban smartphones (McTaggart, 2024). In addition, Article 12 clearly outlines that children and adolescents’ opinions must be considered and considered in all matters affecting them, which is also supported by Ireland’s National Strategy on Children and Young People’s Participation in Decision-Making (Department of Children and Youth Affairs, 2019). Hence, it is important that we listen to the voice of children and adolescents on this issue now, as they do not feel that so far that their voices have been heard by those in positions of authority.

Students provided a nuanced view on smartphones, clearly stating that smartphones should not be used in classrooms, unless it is to assist with their learning. Further, students felt that previous school rules on smartphones provided a fairer approach in schools, as those who broke the rules were then punished. Whereas now, students feel that the teachers do not trust them, and they are being punished for a small minority who broke the rules on phone use. This feeling of mistrust is further compounded by teachers undertaking spot checks in students’ personal belongings. Whilst schools are well-intentioned in trying to tackle misuse of smartphones in schools and protect students, smartphone bans may have an unintended negative impact on students-teacher relations and the culture within schools.

Within this study, post-primary students mainly used smartphones as a tool to be social with friends, entertainment and have autonomy within their lives, which is supported by previous research (Ricoy et al., 2022). In the view of students, smartphones are a positive addition in their lives. However, they acknowledge that social media can be negative, but they have an interesting perspective that like most things in life, there are both positive and negative aspects. With this, students stressed that they need to be taught how to navigate these spaces safely, which is supported by experts in the field (Campbell et al., 2024). In addition, students have stressed that smartphones are a major concern or talking point for adults, but for students, such a ban does not change how disempowered and disrespected they feel on this issue.

It is evident from discussions with primary school students that they have less reasons to use phones. Overall, primary school students acknowledged that they did not need the smartphone during the school day, but in some instances, they needed their phone for safety, specifically for travelling to and from school. Thus, highlighting how a smartphone is used for safety, with a secondary use for connecting with friends. Primary school students have not yet developed the same level of independence as post-primary students and their social interactions currently do not require the phone to facilitate this (e.g., connecting with friends outside of school).

Overall, the responses from participants in this study did not conclusively demonstrate that smartphone bans are having positive impacts for students in the schools where the research was undertaken. According to students, the bans are not preventing cyberbullying, as in their opinion cyberbullying is not occurring amongst their cohort. Students clearly stated that the bans just move any cyberbullying behaviour until after school. Further, students indicated that the ban does not promote socialising amongst students. In addition, some students feel that bans have not improved their mental health, as it has caused some isolation and anxiety for students in the schools that participated in this study.

It is evident from international research and the findings from the current study, that smartphone bans in their current form do not achieve the intended objectives and in fact may be having unintended negative impacts, particularly for students and the school environment. Given that schools already incorporate devices into classrooms and under the Government’s ‘Digital Strategy for Schools to 2027’ are tasked with preparing students for blended lives, decisions to restrict or ban smartphone use at school seem at odds with schools’ obligations to teach students about responsibly using technology, which will in turn address cyberbullying and student wellbeing (Campbell et al., 2024).

Recommendations

The findings above demonstrate the complexity of students’ experiences of smartphone bans implemented within their schools. However, these findings, along with the advice provided by the students to the Minister for Education, has assisted us in proposing evidence-based recommendations below for future research, adolescent voice and education.

Recommendation 1: Evidence Informed Policy

Policy on smartphone use among children and adolescents should be informed by research evidence. This will ensure that a policy is sustainable and relevant to the experiences and concerns of children and adults alike. We recommend the following in relation to future research on this issue:

  • Undertake a follow-up study with the schools who took part in this study to understand teachers and students’ experiences of the bans as time has progressed, especially exploring whether bans have been rolled back or adjusted since their implementation.
  • There is a need for a co-participatory study with adolescents on how they would implement smartphone rules in schools and what they want to see in online safety education.
  • A deeper ethnographic study in one school to understand the impact of smartphone bans on students.
  • Qualitative study with parents to explore their experiences with smartphone bans and concerns around children and adolescents being online.
Recommendation 2: Digital Citizenship Education

The Government is currently rolling out its ‘Digital Strategy for Schools to 2027’ and has already significantly invested in the development of online safety resources through Webwise and other programmes for schools. However, students reported that they were not particularly aware of these. Digital citizenship education should be elevated as a compulsory topic that is delivered to all students at primary and post-primary. Such education could incrementally increase as students approach the end of primary school. The focus of this education should be on digital literacy and digital citizenship. Ongoing support for school staff who deliver the education programmes will be required as well as monitoring of the use and effectiveness of resources provided to schools.

Recommendation 3: Empowering Student Voice

While the Minister has established a dedicated unit in the Department of Education to enhance students’ participation in decision making, it is clear from the findings of this study that students were not consulted about the introduction of a smartphone ban in their schools, before or even after bans had been implemented. The ongoing work in the Department of Education on student participation should be accelerated to ensure greater participation in decisions about smartphone use in schools and in the ongoing evaluation of policy in this area.

Recommendation 4: National Awareness Campaign

A national awareness campaign should be rolled out to build knowledge and understanding of smartphones and social media amongst children, adolescents and parents. The campaign could provide accessible and age-appropriate safety tips for children and adolescents on how to be safe online. This campaign must be research informed and provide a balanced view on the positives and negatives of smartphones and social media platforms to ensure that children and adolescents feel that their usage of both are not continuously problematised. Children and adolescents should be consulted on any national campaign that is aimed at their peer group, as they will be knowledgeable in informing whether the campaign is appropriate. In addition, the message of the campaign should be evidence based and balanced.

Recommendation 5: Regulation of Social Media

Children and adolescents in this study expressed considerable trust in social media companies as arbitrators of content and risk mitigation. Consequently, this points to the immense responsibility and privileged position that is enjoyed by these companies. It would seem appropriate then that social media companies double their efforts to ensure that harmful content is never recommended to children and adolescents and that appropriate authorities such as Coimisiún na Meán monitor and regulate for this.

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Appendices

Appendix 1. Parental/Guardian Consent Form

Consent Form for Parents/Guardians (Focus Group)

 

Appendix 2. Participant Assent Form for Ages 10-14

Participant Assent Form for Focus Group (Ages 10-14)

 

Appendix 3. Participant Assent Form for Ages (15-18)

Participant Assent Form for Focus Group (Ages 15-18)

 

Appendix 4. Interview Schedule for Participants

Using of Phone Pouch

  • What are the rules?
  • Do they stop you using your phone?
  • Were you asked about your opinion of the mobile phone rules in school?
  • What do you think of the mobile phone rules?/What have you thought about the mobile phone rules?
    • Do you like/not like it?
    • Why do you like/not like it?
  • Do you think it is fair that phones are banned in school?
    • Why/why not?
  • Do you believe that the phone rules have been good for you?
    • Do you believe that your grades are better?
    • Do you believe that you can pay attention in class better?
  • Do you believe that the phone rules have been bad?
  • Any other ways to that you might not use phones in schools?
Taught about Technology Use and Bullying
  • Are you taught about online safety?
  • Are you taught about cyberbullying?
  • Do you think you should be taught about cyberbullying/online safety?
    • Would you like to learn more about it?
Participation Feedback
  • How do you feel about being in this study?
    • Was it fun?
    • Was it boring?
  • Did we miss any other questions to ask you?
  • Anything else you would like to tell us about the mobile phone rules in school?
Changing the Paradigm for Cyberbullying Intervention and Prevention: Considering Dignity, Values, and Children’s Rights

Changing the Paradigm for Cyberbullying Intervention and Prevention: Considering Dignity, Values, and Children’s Rights

By Tijana Milosevic & Anne Collier

In a recent parliamentary hearing about bullying and cyberbullying in Ireland,[1] parliamentarians raised concern that these behaviors should remain such a prevalent problem, even after all these years of research, and concerted prevention and intervention efforts. As online safety researchers and practitioners in Europe and the United States, respectively, we are also frequently met with the worrying eyes of parents and caregivers and the inquisitive ones of journalists, who wonder how come, after all these years of extensive work, we cannot seem to put an end to bullying and cyberbullying?

In this article, we trace the often-unstated philosophical assumptions about cyberbullying which may inform intervention and prevention efforts and hamper their outcomes. We propose, and here outline, a different approach to addressing cyberbullying, one based on human dignity – and thus each child’s dignity – which we think has paradigm-shifting potential. “Dignity” implies the inherent worth of every human being, which, unlike respect, does not have to be earned. As such, it is a birthright. In a way, we can think of it as the opposite of humiliation, which implies reducing a person in others’ eyes. We suggest that, in order to understand cyberbullying, we need to go beyond “aggressive acts” and recognize the normative values that set the conditions of social relations, including social aggression and public humiliation – not only among children and youth, but among adults as well. If we posit bullying and cyberbullying as an attack on a person’s dignity, based on rankism, then we’ll see that what enables school bullying and cyberbullying is the same system of relational patterns that enables workplace bullying and so-called micro-aggressions later on in life.

This article looks at definitions and perceptions of cyberbullying, cyberbullying behaviors as dignity violations, the difference between dignity and “false dignity,” two cyberbullying scenarios that illustrate dignity violation and how considering dignity as a factor in cyberbullying incidents illustrates why defining cyberbullying merely as an online safety issue limits the scope of possible remedies. Finally, we explain why it is important to consider dignity when designing cyberbullying prevention and intervention measures, as online platforms increasingly move towards employing artificial intelligence to address the problem.

The struggle over definitions

Cyberbullying, or online or digital bullying as it is sometimes called, derives its definition from offline or face-to-face bullying. Influential definitions refer to it as “willful and repeated harm inflicted through the use of (…) electronic devices”[2] or “an aggressive act or behavior that is carried out using electronic means by a group or an individual repeatedly and over time against a victim who cannot easily defend him or herself.”[3] The field is riddled with definitional disagreements, and researchers have recently pointed out that, when we think of bullying and cyberbullying as subsets of aggressive behaviors, we imply that “bullies are aggressors,”[4] which confines the issue to problems and behaviors within an individual, downplaying the factors arising from group dynamics and, most importantly, the broader community and social and cultural contexts. Furthermore, “power imbalance” was considered an essential component of bullying, but this has been revisited in the cyberbullying literature. The so-called victim had to be less powerful than the perpetrator in some way – for example, by being smaller in size (offline) or having less social capital. Online, this could translate into having a larger network of supporters, more likes (suggestive of higher rank or status), exploiting anonymity or being more digitally skilled and hence effective in attacking the so-called victim.

Power imbalance was said to be one of the distinguishing components between cyberbullying and conflict, which teens sometimes refer to as “drama.”[5] Nonetheless, “drama” can include what adults refer to as “cyberbullying,” as research shows that teens do not necessarily like to identify with this adult-centric term. The lines can be blurry, but our argument for leveraging dignity brings clarity by taking the focus off the distinction between behavior types* – cyberbullying and conflict that belittles another human being – and keeping our focus on the driving forces (dignity violations and rankism) behind both. Moreover, many of us have seen that our adult-centric methods of addressing cyberbullying are limited in effectiveness, anyway.

Research has shown the importance of the so-called bystander as a contextual factor in cyberbullying,[6] with their opportunity to assist the victim and influence the outcome or the amount of harm that could arise from cyberbullying incidents. “Bystander” is a term that applies to those who witness cyberbullying in some way and might choose to support the victim, support the perpetrator or remain silent. As we argue, focusing on the underlying values might assist with engaging bystanders in a constructive manner.

Bullying and cyberbullying as dignity violations: False dignity

For the above-mentioned definition of dignity and for situating conflict and bullying in the context of dignity, we have many scholars to thank, including Drs. Robert Fuller[7] and Pamela Gerloff,[8] Dr. Donna Hicks[9] and the many researchers and activists of the Human Dignity and Humiliation Studies Network led by Dr. Evelin Lindner and Dr. Linda Hartling.[10] Bullying and cyberbullying can be considered a form of “rankism”[11] or abuse of rank or power. While there is nothing wrong with rank per se (as humans are differently abled and no one is good at everything, someone typically needs to lead, and some people are more popular or entertaining than others). Rather, it is the abuse of the power that comes with rank which constitutes a violation of dignity.

Equally problematic is deriving one’s feeling of self-worth from one’s advantages and thinking of others as “less” than oneself. This thinking relates to the concept of “false dignity” as conceptualized by Dr. Hicks,[12] “the belief that our worthiness comes from external sources,” such as needing praise or approval from others to feel good about oneself; desiring high status positions to show to self and others that one is successful or worthy; or thinking that one is better than others, due to class, race or ethnicity, income, property or physical appearance. In other words, false dignity relies on external validation. We see false dignity as an important psycho-social and cultural driver of bullying and cyberbullying.

From false dignity to dignity

We live in a culture where certain achievements or traits such as good looks, money, success and power tend to be valued; and, crucially, they tend to imply a self-worth based on power imbalance – power over another. Even in terms of dignity, it’s the belief that “haves” own more of it than “have-nots.” Where cyberbullying is concerned, technology design mirrors these assumptions and values in the form of encouraging more follows, “likes,” “shares” and overall attention (where attention from others is a dignity-securing value). So perhaps it is not a surprise that thinking of the so-called “have nots” as less than oneself may contribute to cyberbullying. On top of that, in offline communities (such as schools), the climate is such that bullying and cyberbullying may raise one’s social status in the eyes of others, hence blended online and offline cultural context encourages bullying and cyberbullying even in communities where a bullying prevention program discourages such behaviors. Much work has been put into changing the “school climate”[13] for bullying and cyberbullying prevention and intervention and implementing social-emotional learning-based[14] programs to teach about emotional regulation and empathy. Nonetheless, our argument goes beyond such interventions: It is not enough to teach children (or adults, for that matter) that it’s not acceptable to increase status through cyberbullying; as a field, we need to be able to agree that we do not need to rise in status in order to have dignity and to treat others with dignity. Dignity is inherent, not earned. Designing interventions that would stimulate the adoption of such a worldview in a way that resonates with children and teens is what we are proposing. This would also mean an active effort to reexamine the values that we as adults hold, or we risk hypocrisy. Cyberbullying seen through a relational and values-based lens has little to do with aggression. A bullying or cyberbullying act in itself might be aggressive, but merely getting rid of the aggression will do little to solve the broader and underlying problem that gives rise to it. False dignity and the cultural factors related to it are rarely a focus of research in the bullying and cyberbullying literature, and they are one of the driving forces behind these phenomena.

Cyberbullying: Not just an online safety issue – or even a safety issue

The authors of this text have previously argued[15] and research has confirmed[16] that online safety, which includes education about various forms of online risks, including cyberbullying (but also, e.g., grooming, sexting and privacy risks) should be administered not as a separate/distinct area of training, but rather within the already established risk-prevention programs for their associated offline risks (e.g. bullying prevention for cyberbullying, sexual health education for sexting, etc.). In other words, what happens “online” is not divorced from the offline context or “the real world,” as it is sometimes called – although online is no less “real” than offline, not only for teens but for everyone. Telling teens to switch off their phones and get back to the “real world” to minimize the risks or avoid cyberbullying will do little to address the problem. Cyberbullying tends to go hand in hand with offline bullying in the school context – they tend to overlap and cyberbullying can be an extension of an offline incident.[17] While we can aim and try to regulate for safe, cyberbullying-free environments, cyberbullying is not only about freedom from online harm, as the argument we outline above shows; it is about the underlying cultural values around worth and success; and it is a relational issue too. It is about how young people view themselves in relation with others, as well as how they see and treat each other, based on what we believe and have modeled for them about how to attain worth and success. Viewing cyberbullying merely as a matter of tech features, online behavior or an “online safety” issue severely limits our thinking in terms of finding solutions to this problem.

Dignity is especially important to consider at this point in time, with growing recognition that states and other stakeholders, especially social media and technology, need to help ensure a balance of children’s rights to protection (online as well as offline) with their rights of participation and provision, as enshrined in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child[18] – and as the Committee for the Rights of the Child has just (Feb. 4, 2021) adopted the first General Comment on youth digital rights.[19] 

Dignity-oriented AI design to address cyberbullying on online platforms?

From a technological standpoint, considering cyberbullying through the lens of dignity is especially important now, when social media[20] and other platforms are increasingly relying on artificial intelligence (AI) based tools to address user safety. Our assumptions about the problem or lack of a holistic understanding of the issue can seep into the design of proposed technological remedies such as this. Recent design innovations around community moderation[21] promise an alternative to the dominant centralized moderation model currently used by social media platforms, and testing these with teen audiences could provide a good avenue for further research. We invite researchers across disciplines and especially those in the field of computing – specifically machine and deep learning – to consider the problem not just from the perspective of keeping children and teens safe, but also from the perspective of their right to participation. To go a step further, we invite stakeholders to consider what it would mean to think of cyberbullying from the perspective of promoting a dignity-based environment where self-worth does not hinge upon external validation and tech symbols thereof. What would it take to create a society and media environment where we can all feel worthy and valuable regardless of our position in society, the attention we garner or the number of likes and shares we receive?

Dignity violations: Examples

Consider a hypothetical yet common example of a Steven, 14, who posts a video of himself dancing on a social media platform. He loves to dance, even though he doesn’t consider himself to be good at it, but he’s trying to improve. He is not very popular; he is very insecure and does not have a strong support group among his peers. Yet, to his credit, Steven tries to get out of his comfort zone and explore who he could become by posting the video. A lack of a sense of dignity and self-worth might be motivating his actions too. Subsequently, he gets laughed at and humiliated in comments by his peers; someone remixes his video into a derisive meme which now seems to go viral; response videos mocking him are created by other peers. What drives these actions from Steven’s peers? It could be said that some are doing it “just for fun,” that some people just like to be mean, that nothing can be done about it – and that group dynamics is a factor too. But consider also that some might be commenting because they are equally insecure and did not have the courage to post their own dance video, even though they may have wanted to; and other insecure bystanders might be commenting abusively to increase their own status in a group of their peers. All of these potential reasons for dignity violations are related to seeking false dignity and feeling a lack of one’s own self-worth.

Then consider another, perhaps more subtle, example. Lynne, 17, is gaining popularity, reflected in more and more attention she is getting on Instagram. A close friend of hers, Sally, is increasingly jealous and cannot communicate that to Lynne. She does not feel good about herself as compared to her friend anymore. She invites a close group of friends to a sleepover and deliberately neglects to invite Lynne. She even shares a few very subtle negative comments with other girls about Lynne’s makeup and looks. Lynne finds out about the sleepover through a photo on Instagram. It seems like other girlfriends are starting to act a little distant too. She feels hurt and starts to question her Instagram activity. She posts less, overthinks each post and worries. Is Lynne a victim, and should she be treated as such? She probably would not want to consider herself or be described as a victim – it could negatively affect her sense of self-worth, especially since victims of bullying tend to have lower social status. Let alone tell her parents, who in her view would only make a mountain out of a molehill. This case does not even meet the basic definition of cyberbullying; it is not repeated and the social exclusion is not overt (her peers had not tagged Lynne to show her she was on the outs). Sally may not even be aware that she is doing all this to hurt Lynne, she might be acting instinctively to protect and strengthen her own sense of self. Some scholars would argue that Lynne needs to build resilience, and this is a good opportunity to do so[22] – after all, there will be many jealousies and betrayals in life. This is certainly true, but our point is different: Why should adults posit such situations as a normal part of the growing up process? Why would Sally need to trample over a peer’s dignity to feel better about herself? Why can’t we see both Sally and Lynne as having dignity, regardless of their looks, successes, popularity and the like – and help them and their peers see that?

Looking at these scenarios in the context of dignity theory gives rise to some important questions about past approaches to bullying and cyberbullying and how we might move forward:

  • Do we default to accepting these belittling behaviors because we see them as inherent to human nature and group dynamics, and therefore inevitable?
  • Can we rather think of belittling or rankist behaviors as a pattern of behavior that humans are socialized into rather than inherent to being human (or at least a blend of socialized behavior, environmental context and inherent to human nature)?
  • Does our collective struggle to resolve the longstanding problem of bullying/cyberbullying stem in part from our confusion over these questions, expressed in what we model for children through our own social behaviors and confusion thereof?
  • Is resilience development actually bullying prevention or is it a fortification against bullying and dignity violation that we’ve accepted as inevitable – in effect, a stop-gap measure to use while we figure out effective prevention and intervention?
  • Do we accept the notion that, in terms of child development, resilience comes only with adversity, so we both vilify and accept social cruelty at the same time, sending our children confusing mixed signals, e.g., “Don’t be mean’ and ‘what doesn’t kill you will make you stronger’?”

However our field might answer these questions, we propose that giving them thoughtful consideration is vital to moving toward solutions to this social problem, because how we think of the behaviors illustrated in the above scenarios will influence the design of interventions and solutions that we deem effective. There appears to be growing acknowledgement that resilience will help children muscle up when they experience such situations as adults in a workplace. These “little indignities” that are often accepted as a given include, for example, ignoring a colleague’s ideas at work; excluding them from opportunities; or talking badly about a colleague behind their back, even if they are not doing anything wrong. If we accept these behaviors as a normal component of human nature, school and the workplace, such thinking will limit our – and our children’s – options for creating real social change. Building resilience is of course important but beside our point. The issue, here, is: Does it have to be this way? And what are we teaching children and young people about the way life has to be?

Living by dignity standards: What it might look like in practice

Coming back to the two incidents with Steven and Lynne, one might wonder what these cases would look like if children were taught their protection and participation rights (both online and offline), based on the dignity framework. What would social relations look like if we were to teach young people about their dignity and that of all human beings? Steven might have been more aware that he was posting a video in order to receive validation from others and choose not to. He might also have felt safe to be himself, knowing that others would less likely to belittle him for it. Sally would have been happy for the attention that her friend received, knowing that it does not undermine her own sense of self-worth. She might not have felt the need to put Lynne down and, in turn, Lynne might have felt safe and accepted to continue participating online.

Some would argue that a dignity-based approach to social relations that we are proposing here is contrary to power-seeking aspects of human nature as outlined by Hobbes, for instance. Others would argue that teaching dignity in this manner will not be effective because society and the world of adults are not based on it, because it won’t resonate with children and teens or that the dignity framework is idealistic. That might well be true, but we will not know unless we give such education a try, and there is growing frustration with the lack of progress to date. Most importantly, it is not only children and youth who would need to adopt the dignity framework for it to work; it is essential that adults consider what the adoption of such values would mean for society as a whole in practice.

Conclusion

There is no better time to explore a different, more holistic, approach to preventing social cruelty based on human dignity – with ever greater adoption of technology, a reported mental health crisis among youth[23], children returning to school as the pandemic slowly subsides and heightened social tensions in and between societies. Such an approach takes into account issues of self-worth, relational norms, cultural factors and the conditions of children’s digital, home and school environments, as well as their human and digital rights. For example, rather than stressing faults within individuals, can we consider how relationships are structured in late modern society and how unstated values that inform a person’s sense of self-worth[24] can lead to violations of peers’ dignity? Rather than focusing merely on stopping aggressive behaviors, might we consider the motivations for such behaviors and the values and cultural factors behind them? As for digital environments, they mirror our attention-driven economy and society, which make attention – digitally signaled with likes, shares, follows and virality – a value and therefore a tool (or weapon) of status and self-worth. Rather than treating digital environments like “school,” as just another “place’ where social cruelty occurs, might we consider the influences of platform features, business models and the attention economy on young people’s sense of self and treatment of one another? We strongly urge our field to take up these questions and consider adopting a dignity framework for bullying/cyberbullying prevention, based on the hypothesis that doing so would send clear instructional signals, support healthy relationships among children and grow their capacity to create positive change in their own communities both digital and physical.

*Explanatory endnote: Dignity scholars tend to describe conflict and rank as inevitable in society, rank [being a common] organizational unit. However, once someone abuses their rank thinking they are better than someone else and treating another as if they were less, these become expressions of rankism. Whereas, disagreement, conflict and emotions arising out of disagreement/conflict are not rankism or violations of dignity, as long as one party to the conflict is not acting from the belief that they are superior.

References:

[1] https://www.oireachtas.ie/en/debates/debate/joint_committee_on_education_further_and_higher_education_research_innovation_and_science/2020-11-05/3/

[2] https://cyberbullying.org/cyberbullying_fact_sheet.pdf

[3] https://acamh.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1469-7610.2007.01846.x

[4] https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1461444818810026

[5] https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13676261.2014.901493

[6] https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0747563213003865

[7] https://www.breakingranks.net/biography/

[8] https://www.breakingranks.net/about-pamela-gerloff/

[9] https://drdonnahicks.com/

[10] https://www.humiliationstudies.org/

[11] https://www.amazon.com/Dignity-All-Create-Without-Rankism/dp/1576757897

[12] https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt5vm0gb

[13] https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2020-13333-003

[14]https://books.google.rs/books?hl=en&lr=&id=4gfHBAAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PR10&dq=social+emotional+learning+and+cyberbullying&ots=YFU_N55v9q&sig=yYjdkGXnibGGd5bvLGZObgiVmqg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=social%20emotional%20learning%20and%20cyberbullying&f=false

[15] https://www.netfamilynews.org/challenging-internet-safety-as-a-subject-to-be-taught

[16] https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1524838020916257?journalCode=tvaa

[17] https://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2014-04307-001

[18] https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/CRC/Pages/GCChildrensRightsRelationDigitalEnvironment.aspx

[19] https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/medialse/2021/02/04/childrens-rights-apply-in-the-digital-world/?fbclid=IwAR3W38t2ipGLwBHM4plnaez6HqSgMpKfk2cCshvPvXg1dJV7mreF4ZBOPf4

[20] https://time.com/5619999/instagram-mosseri-bullying-artificial-intelligence/

[21] https://dl.acm.org/doi/fullHtml/10.1145/3313831.3376293

[22] https://cyberbullying.org/cultivating-resilience-prevent-bullying-cyberbullying

[24] https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2011-15723-001

International Women’s Day 2021

Meet all the wonderful women of ABC. Today is International Women’s Day and ABC is celebrating all of the amazing women who are part of our team at the Centre. #InternationalWomenDay2021.

International Women’s day

Why it’s so important in the battle for equality.

  • Workplace bullying: In a recent ABC report, it was found that women are less likely to be the alleged perpetrator of bullying (20.7%) as compared to men (49.4%). However, a slightly higher percentage of men submitted a complaint to the Workplace Relations Commission (57.5%) as compared to women (42.5%). International literature might help to explain this finding. According to international study findings, men and women adopt distinct coping strategies when dealing with bullying; that is, women use more avoidance strategies (e.g., sick leave, request for transfer, ignoring), whereas men tend to use more active coping strategies (e.g., confront the perpetrator).

For more details on the above see: https://antibullyingcentre.b-cdn.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Bullying-in-the-Workplace-Report-FV.pdf

Recent newspapers article that might be of interest:

Previous Projects

Previous Projects

Prof Yseult Freeney
Improving Social Media The People Organizations and Ideas

Learning from the community

Tell us about your role:
I am currently a Research Assistant, postdoctoral researcher for FUSE at Dublin City University’s National Anti-Bullying Research and Resource Center. I assist schools in tackling bullying, hate speech based bullying and online safety.
My doctorate has explored how Facebook governs hate speech, and I am deeply interested in the area of
platform governance.Tell us about your career path, and how it ed you to your work’s focus: My background is in Media andCulture Studies. Through the latter, I obtained an internship position with the Spanish government,working as a cultural specialist for the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This internship led me to spend the initial years of my professional career working for the Spanish Development Unit in Guatemala and Sudan and for UNESCO as a visitor researcher. Influence was drawn from both academic and professional working practice, seeing my critical thought developing. I became increasingly interested in the subjects of class
Paloma Viejo and race. In 2013, I completed the MPhil in Race, Ethnicity and Conflict at Trinity College Dublin, which revolves around race-critical theory and critical social studies. By 2014, Professor Eugenia Sapiera of Dublin City University School of Communications opened a PhD research position in racism and hate speech in online environments. I was selected as the PhD candidate to research the conditions of possibility for the creation and circulation of racist material in social media. Inquiring about the notion of hate speech leads me to look at the evolution of mechanisms in place over time to “control hate,” particularly the period between 1940 and the 2010s (from the drafting process of the Declaration of Human Rights to the time of social media), by looking into the principles and values that underpin each actor who has regulated hate. Ultimately, I am looking to research any potential challenges by the rise of social media platforms as both new cultural
power and spaces where “hate speech” regularly occurs. In your opinion, what are the biggest issues facing social media? I would say it is hate speech, or more accurately, the conditions of the possibility for hate speech to be on the platforms. Hate speech is for the most part framed by Facebook and by politicians as an operational problem. However, through my research, I have observed that the problem is a more pro found one, rooted in the values and principles upon which Facebook has built its technology – and that technology
perpetuates. This question needs to be unfolded. Perhaps this interview has no room for it, but I will [give] you a simple example. Facebook has two values to justify how users upload content: Voice and Equity.

Voices and Equity are technologically reflected on a Facebook user’s wall under a simple question:“ What is on your mind?”
Among many other possibilities, Facebook asks the user: “What is on your mind?” That is the type of question you ask
someone who is lost in thought, who is staring at the ceiling. It does not ask for elaborate thoughts; it is asking one to
speak, simply speak, and the question is supported by two principles: Voice and Equity. Voice means that all individuals
can upload whatever is in their minds, and Equity implies that all users are arithmetically equal, regardless of whether or
not they belong to the oppressed or the oppressor. Every single user is in a position to speak their mind. That is, at the
end of the day, what ”Platform for all” means, but – also – here is where the problems start.
In this particular case, Facebook has invited us to post anything we want, whatever is on our mind, and that potentially
includes hateful content. Yes, we have the Community Standards forbidding specific expressions and automatic
detection to stop them. However, operationally speaking, those are activated once the content is flowing in the platform
– once the word is out. That is only a small example of how Facebook’s Principles and Values affect how we interact. We
could also talk about how Facebook’s value of Equality determines the policy definition of hate speech and embraces a
post-racial understanding of hate speech.
What “solutions” to improving social media have you seen suggested or implemented that you are excited about?
What do we mean by improving? Do we mean adding more product solutions designed upon the same principles? Or do
we mean altering the conditions of possibility for hateful content to be on the platform?If it is the first case, I can say I am
excited to see how Facebook will expand its product solutions to “advance racial justice” (see [Mark] Zuckerberg’s post
on June 5th, 2020). It is a new project currently led by Fidji Simo, head of the Facebook app, and Ime Archibong, who is in
charge of Product Experimentation on Facebook.
I look forward to seeing what kind of solutions they propose.
If by improving, we mean altering the conditions of possibility for hateful content on the platform, platforms like
Facebook would have to change enormously, to the extent, I argue, that they would no longer be the platforms we know.
Therefore, it would no longer be an improvement but a change. I am inquisitive to know how building platforms with
different values would affect the way we connect and communicate.
How do we ensure safety, privacy and freedom of expression all at the same time?
When it comes to ensuring safety and freedom of expression, a matter of fact is that Facebook already does. It is a
technicality, but one I find fascinating.
Tacitly, Facebook makes the distinction between freedom of expression and freedom of information. If we look closely,
all the mechanisms and techniques that Facebook has implemented to provide safety do not dictate what the users have
to say. Their voices are intact but mostly interfere with how users receive and disseminate information. Take a look:
1. User’s settings regulate user visibility.
2. The user’s flagging report system lets Facebook know what the user considers should not keep circulating.
3. Automatic detection is for obvious reasons only for content that is on the platform.
4. Human moderation, whose task is to eliminate or filter the visibility of content.
5. Oversight Board, whose ultimate task is to decide if certain content should be back on circulation or not.
Zuckerberg summarized this well in 2017: “Freedom means you do not have to ask permission first, and that by default
you can say what you want. If you break our community standards or the law, then you’re going to face consequences
afterwards. We won’t catch everyone immediately, but we can make it harder to try to interfere.” (Zuckerberg, Mark, 21
September 2017).
As such, freedom of expression and safety are ensured. Perhaps we should start talking specifically about freedom of
information. I actually think that, to talk about privacy, we will need to open a different question, but to an extent it is
also linked with circulation. The lower your visibility, the lower your circulation of content. Although it is not guaranteed.
You would have to rely on your close contacts to not circulate a post whose privacy is important for you.
When we discuss improving social media, we often toggle between the responsibility of platforms,the role of media to
educate the general public, governmental oversight, and the role of citizens in terms of literacy and how they engage
with platforms. In your opinion, what area do you think needs the most improvement?

Governmental Oversight. No doubt. I like Suzor’s (2019) idea when he suggests that terms of service should respond to
General Law. It would affect community standards, I guess. Furthermore, I say Facebook would be grateful for it. They
clarify that they do not want to be the arbiters of discrimination, neither the arbiters of truth. That is at least what the
public says, and I don’t have arguments that prove that what they – Facebook – says is not what they believe.
What makes you optimistic that we, as a society, will be able to improve social media?
It makes me feel optimistic that we will keep testing different forms of connecting digitally. Not sure if it has to be on a
platform. I do not see why we cannot own our data and share it with whoever we want. I would love to have a small data
center in my kitchen, right beside my toaster.
Connect with Paloma Viejo @palomaviejo

 

“It makes me feel optimistic that we will keep testing different forms of connecting digitally. Not sure if it has to be on a platform. I do not see why we cannot own our data and share it with whoever we want. I would love to have a small data center in my kitchen, right beside my
toaster.”
-Paloma Viejo, Research Assistant/Post Doc

Multi-disciplinary PhD Scholarship Opportunity

DCU Anti-Bullying Centre

DCU Institute of Education

 Religious Identity, Bullying, and Wellbeing in Schools

Multi-disciplinary PhD (3 years, full-time)

DCU Anti-Bullying Centre

DCU Anti-Bullying Centre (ABC) is a university designated research centre located in DCU Institute of Education with members drawn from across the university. In line with DCU’s Strategy, the core mission of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre is to be a future focused and globally connected European centre of excellence for research and education on bullying and digital safety.

Through scholarly outputs, education, and societal engagement, the Centre significantly contributes to DCUs research reputation and impact, while enhancing local and international engagement. The Centre comprises approximately 50 members who are engaged in research and education related to bullying and digital safety. The Centre hosts the UNESCO Chair on Bullying and Cyberbullying and the International Journal of Bullying Prevention. From 2018 to 2022 the Centre published over 200 Scopus ranked papers, achieving a current combined Field Weighted Citation Index of 2.4.

Members of the Centre are drawn from all five faculties of the university and are united by our purpose and the mutual support from our global community to achieve our aims. We take pride in our ethical way of working and the positive social impact our research has on tackling bullying and promoting digital safety. We believe our spirit will flourish because we are ethical, ambitious, collaborative, compassionate and committed to tackling bullying and digital safety for wellbeing in society.

Background

This PhD is linked to the European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action project entitled Religious Identity, Bullying and Wellbeing at School: A Transnational Collaboration (ORBIT) based in DCU Anti-Bullying Centre and led by Professor James O’Higgins Norman and Dr Amalee Meehan. ORBIT delves into the correlation between religious identity, bullying, and wellbeing, and the implications for students, school communities, and European societies. The project provides a conduit for researchers, policy makers, and educators to consider the relationship between religious identity, wellbeing and inclusion, and how religious identity contributes to the wellbeing of individuals, family, communities and societies.

The Role

We are looking for an excellent PhD applicant willing to work in this area from a multidisciplinary and/or comparative perspective.

The selected candidate will:

  • Receive an annual non-taxable stipendium of €22,000 full-time (a part-time pro rata rate will apply).
  • Receive EU full-time or part-time fees covered (per annum €4095 full-time; €2942 part-time).
  • Be a member of ORBIT, the European COST Action project on Religious Identity, Bullying, and Wellbeing in Schools
  • Travel and Subsistence to attend ORBIT international meetings twice per year.
  • Benefit as a member of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre from working within a rich research environment.

The applicant will be supervised by Dr. Amalee Meehan (School of Human Development & DCU Anti-Bullying Centre) and Prof James O’Higgins Norman, UNESCO Chair in Bullying and Cyberbullying and Director of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre. The selected candidate will be based in DCU Anti-Bullying Centre which is located on DCU’s All Hallows Campus. (Part-time PhD students will not be required to be physically present but will be required to give 8 hours per week to support the ORBIT project in the Centre).  In addition the selected candidate will be required to work on their PhD and to contribute to selected research and teaching activities in the context of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre’s contributions to the Faculty and the wider university.

The PhD candidate’s specific duties will include:

  • Undertake research leading to a PhD.
  • Produce academic papers and reports throughout the course of the PhD.
  • Identify and make funding applications for further research on related topics.
  • Attend meetings and collaborate with colleagues in the Centre and the ORBIT project.
  • Teaching (Full-time PhD only)

Requirements

The ideal candidate will:

  • Be interested in/and or have an awareness of the intersection between religious identity, bullying, wellbeing, and schooling.
  • Have a background in post-primary education.
  • Have experience writing reports, academic papers, proposals.

The successful applicant will meet the eligibility requirements of Postgraduate Research students at IoE, Dublin City University as follows:

  • PhD:Candidates holding an appropriate Master’s degree (eg. sociology, religious education, theology, or a related discipline) obtained by research may apply for direct entry to the PhD register to conduct research in a cognate area.
  • PhD-track:Candidates with a taught Master’s degree in an appropriate discipline with first or second-class honours, and candidates with a primary degree in an appropriate discipline with first or second-class honours, grade one, may apply and be considered for entry to the PhD-track register with a view to proceeding towards a PhD. Such candidates will undergo a confirmation procedure, as outlined in the Academic Regulations, before being admitted to the PhD register.

Postgraduate Research Study at DCU institute of Education

Committed to academic excellence and innovation, DCU Institute of Education provides a transformative student experience through its PhD Research Programmes.  As a centre of excellence in post-graduate research, the IoE hosts internationally recognised experts in its research centres across all sectors of education, from early childhood right up to and including further and higher education.   It has an ambitious programme of education research and provides a research environment that is student-centred and inclusive.

Belonging to an academic community is central to any research student’s experience here. Working with, and learning from, global leaders in education research, ensures our students participate in an active academic community. We are committed to a culture of career readiness, providing an education that will equip our research graduates to develop valuable transferable skills. In a world of new opportunities, today’s research graduates need to be adaptable, flexible and innovative. We are confident our research graduates will flourish in the challenging and complex contexts of 21st century societies.

Conditions of the Institute of Education Anti-Bullying Centre ORBIT PhD Studentship

Applicants should have a specialised interest in an area of education and have developed a research proposal that will lead to a research degree of PhD.  The successful candidate will be required to register for a part-time or full-time research degree (PhD) at DCU Institute of Education..    The successful candidate will be allocated a supervisory panel for the duration of their studies including an Independent Panel member.

To Apply: 

Please email the following documents to Angela Kinahan, Centre Administrator, DCU Anti-Bullying Centre angela.kinahan@dcu.ie.

  • Cover letter (indicating if you are interested in part-time or full-time)
  • Full Curriculum Vitae
  • Copy of transcripts of qualifications
  • Research proposal – please use Institute of Education Research Proposal Form which is available to download here
  • Please put ABC ORBIT PhD Scholarship in the subject bar of all email communications.

Closing date for receipt of application documentation is 5pm on Friday 23rd August 2024 

All shortlisted applicants will be interviewed. Interviews will take place week commencing 2nd September 2024

Informal Enquiries regarding the focus of this PhD scholarship can be made to Dr. Amalee Meehan amalee.meehan@dcu.ie or Prof. James O’Higgins Norman james.ohigginsnorman@dcu.ie

Enquiries regarding the process of completing a PhD at DCU can be made to Dr. Maura Coulter maura.coulter@dcu.ie 

NOTE: Qualifications/eligibility may not be verified by Dublin City University until the final stage of the process. Therefore, those candidates who do not possess the eligibility requirements, and proceed with their application, are putting themselves to unnecessary effort/expense and will not be offered a position from this campaign. An invitation to interview or any element of the selection process is not acceptance of eligibility.

This role is part funded by DCU Office of the Vice President for Research, the Government of Ireland, and COST – Cooperation in Science and Technology and is subject to continued funding over the term of the scholarship.

Perceptions of learning difficulties: a study examining the views of pakistani and white children with learning difficulties, their parents, peers and school staff
2008
Ali, Majid
University of Huddersfield

This research investigates cultural differences and similarities in the perceptions of four British Pakistani and four British white children aged eleven with learning difficulties. This is pursued through four main aims that examine how aware pupils are of their learning difficulties; how they and their significant others perceive their learning difficulties; how they respond to key labels used to refer to them; and to what extent there are cultural differences and similarities between the two groups of pupils. This work has been carried out because there is currently limited research in this area. The pupils’ views are explored in two contrasting Bradford (West Yorkshire) primary schools where the cultural population is either predominantly Pakistani or white. A variety of data collection methods, including semi-structured interviews, a self-image profile, focus group interviews and observations have been used to collect data. The findings indicate that there are more commonalities between the Pakistani and white cultures than there are differences, for example although Pakistani and white children enjoy coming to school and want to do well, they are unhappy, embarrassed, and humiliated about having a learning difficulty and hence face these additional pressures in school. Pakistani children expressed more of an interest in attending university and then embarking on professional careers compared to white children. Peers of average/higher ability perceive children with learning difficulties to be more prone to bullying, slow learners, unpopular and these peers have low expectations of what the children with learning difficulties are able to do. Staff view children with learning difficulties as lacking in confidence and selfesteem, experiencing unhappiness, having a low self-image, working at a slower pace and often lacking motivation. The implications of this research indicate that schools needs to raise the selfesteem and confidence of children with learning difficulties, so that these children are able to view their learning difficulty in a positive way. Schools need to be aware of the pressures that children in the low ability groups face, and schools therefore need to maintain a balance in providing children with a basic skills curriculum matched to the individual needs of children and yet continue to promote their personal development and well-being.

DCU UNESCO Chair Awarded Freedom of City of London

DCU UNESCO Chair on Bullying and Cyberbullying, Prof. James O’Higgins Norman, has been awarded the Freedom of the City of London.

Prof. O’Higgins Norman was nominated for the award by the Educators Livery Company in London. At the ceremony which took place in the Chamberlain’s Court at the Guildhall, the Clerk of the Court Laura Miller highlighted Prof. O’Higgins Norman’s achievements in education particularly in relation to bullying prevention in schools and his long standing relationship with the City.

Freedom of the City of London is an ancient honour that confers traditional rights on the men and women who receive it, most notably, the right to drive their flock over London Bridge. At the ceremony James said he has no immediate plans to take up that opportunity and looks forward to continuing his work at DCU Institute of Education.

Multi-disciplinary PhD Scholarship Opportunity

DCU Anti-Bullying Centre

DCU Institute of Education

Religious Identity, Bullying, and Wellbeing in Schools

Multi-disciplinary PhD Scholarship (3 years Tuition Only)

DCU Anti-Bullying Centre

DCU Anti-Bullying Centre (ABC) is a university designated research centre located in DCU Institute of Education with members drawn from across the university. In line with DCU’s Strategy, the core mission of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre is to be a future focused and globally connected European centre of excellence for research and education on bullying and digital safety.

Through scholarly outputs, education, and societal engagement, the Centre significantly contributes to DCUs research reputation and impact, while enhancing local and international engagement. The Centre comprises approximately 50 members who are engaged in research and education related to bullying and digital safety. The Centre hosts the UNESCO Chair on Bullying and Cyberbullying and the International Journal of Bullying Prevention. From 2018 to 2022 the Centre published over 200 Scopus ranked papers, achieving a current combined Field Weighted Citation Index of 2.4.

Members of the Centre are drawn from all five faculties of the university and are united by our purpose and the mutual support from our global community to achieve our aims. We take pride in our ethical way of working and the positive social impact our research has on tackling bullying and promoting digital safety. We believe our spirit will flourish because we are ethical, ambitious, collaborative, compassionate and committed to tackling bullying and digital safety for wellbeing in society.

Background

This PhD is linked to the European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action project entitled Religious Identity, Bullying and Wellbeing at School: A Transnational Collaboration (ORBIT) based in DCU Anti-Bullying Centre and led by Professor James O’Higgins Norman and Dr Amalee Meehan. ORBIT delves into the correlation between religious identity, bullying, and wellbeing, and the implications for students, school communities, and European societies. The project provides a conduit for researchers, policy makers, and educators to consider the relationship between religious identity, wellbeing and inclusion, and how religious identity contributes to the wellbeing of individuals, family, communities and societies.

The Role

We are looking for an excellent PhD applicant willing to work in this area from a multidisciplinary and/or comparative perspective. Candidates may choose to register for full-time or part-time study.

The selected candidate will:

  • Receive EU full-time or part-time fees covered (per annum €4095 full-time; €2942 part-time).
  • Have an allowance of €2000 per year towards research materials/travel.
  • Be a member of ORBIT, the European COST Action project on Religious Identity, Bullying, and Wellbeing in Schools
  • Travel and Subsistence to attend ORBIT international meetings twice per year.
  • Benefit as a member of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre from working within a rich research environment.

The applicant will be supervised by Dr. Amalee Meehan (School of Human Development & DCU Anti-Bullying Centre) and Prof James O’Higgins Norman, UNESCO Chair in Bullying and Cyberbullying and Director of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre. The selected candidate will be based in DCU Anti-Bullying Centre which is located on DCU’s All Hallows Campus. (Part-time PhD students will be required to only give 8 hours per week to support the ORBIT project in the Centre).  In addition, the selected candidate will be required to work on their PhD and to contribute to selected research and teaching activities in the context of DCU Anti-Bullying Centre’s contributions to the Faculty and the wider university.

The PhD candidate’s specific duties will include:

  • Undertake research leading to a PhD.
  • Produce academic papers and reports throughout the course of the PhD.
  • Identify and make funding applications for further research on related topics.
  • Attend meetings and collaborate with colleagues in the Centre and the ORBIT project.
  • Teaching (Full-time PhD only)

Requirements

The ideal candidate will:

  • Be interested in/and or have an awareness of the intersection between religious identity, bullying, wellbeing, and schooling.
  • Have a background in post-primary education.
  • Have experience writing reports, academic papers, proposals.

The successful applicant will meet the eligibility requirements of Postgraduate Research students at IoE, Dublin City University as follows:

  • PhD: Candidates holding an appropriate Master’s degree (e.g. sociology, religious education, theology, or a related discipline) obtained by research may apply for direct entry to the PhD register to conduct research in a cognate area.
  • PhD-track: Candidates with a taught Master’s degree in an appropriate discipline with first or second-class honours, and candidates with a primary degree in an appropriate discipline with first or second-class honours, grade one, may apply and be considered for entry to the PhD-track register with a view to proceeding towards a PhD. Such candidates will undergo a confirmation procedure, as outlined in the Academic Regulations, before being admitted to the PhD register.

Postgraduate Research Study at DCU institute of Education

Committed to academic excellence and innovation, DCU Institute of Education provides a transformative student experience through its PhD Research Programmes.  As a centre of excellence in post-graduate research, the IoE hosts internationally recognised experts in its research centres across all sectors of education, from early childhood right up to and including further and higher education.   It has an ambitious programme of education research and provides a research environment that is student-centred and inclusive.

Belonging to an academic community is central to any research student’s experience here. Working with, and learning from, global leaders in education research, ensures our students participate in an active academic community. We are committed to a culture of career readiness, providing an education that will equip our research graduates to develop valuable transferable skills. In a world of new opportunities, today’s research graduates need to be adaptable, flexible and innovative. We are confident our research graduates will flourish in the challenging and complex contexts of 21st century societies.

Conditions of the Institute of Education Anti-Bullying Centre ORBIT PhD Studentship

Applicants should have a specialised interest in an area of education and have developed a research proposal that will lead to a research degree of PhD.  The successful candidate will be required to register for a part-time or full-time research degree (PhD) at DCU Institute of Education.  The successful candidate will be allocated a supervisory panel for the duration of their studies including an Independent Panel member.

To Apply: 

Please email the following documents to Angela Kinahan, Centre Administrator, DCU Anti-Bullying Centre angela.kinahan@dcu.ie.

  • Cover letter (indicating if you are interested in part-time or full-time)
  • Full Curriculum Vitae
  • Copy of transcripts of qualifications
  • Research proposal – please use Institute of Education Research Proposal Form available here
  • Please put ABC ORBIT PhD Scholarship in the subject bar of all email communications.

Closing date for receipt of application documentation is 5pm on Friday 18th October 2024. 

All shortlisted applicants will be interviewed.

Informal Enquiries regarding the focus of this PhD scholarship can be made to Dr. Amalee Meehan amalee.meehan@dcu.ie or Prof. James O’Higgins Norman james.ohigginsnorman@dcu.ie

Enquiries regarding the process of completing a PhD at DCU can be made to ioe-research-office@dcu.ie

NOTE: Qualifications/eligibility may not be verified by Dublin City University until the final stage of the process. Therefore, those candidates who do not possess the eligibility requirements, and proceed with their application, are putting themselves to unnecessary effort/expense and will not be offered a position from this campaign. An invitation to interview or any element of the selection process is not acceptance of eligibility.

This role is part funded by DCU Office of the Vice President for Research and COST – Cooperation in Science and Technology and is subject to continued funding over the term of the scholarship.