Self-harm has been on the rise in the UK in recent years.  A review of the literature was conducted which suggested that this increase was also evident in adolescents, and possibly children.  The literature described several factors associated with self-harm, including depression, anxiety, anger, self-esteem and bullying.  Research using children in UK community samples was lacking, as well as research exploring the factors that are associated with self-harm in this age group. Therefore, the present study was carried out using a cross-sectional survey design, to measure levels of self-harm in children aged 8-11 years, and to assess which factors were associated with self-harm.  Logistic regression analyses were then used to explore independent factors influencing self-harm. These were significant differences between those children who self-harmed and those who did not in their levels of anxiety, depression, self-esteem and bullying.  There were no gender or age relationships with self-harm. The regression model successfully predicted self-harm, although was more successful at predicting the absence of self-harm.  With a significance criterion of p<0.05 only two of the five factors entered emerged as independent predictors.  These results indicated that the lower the child’s anxiety levels, and the higher their self-esteem, the less likely they were to self-harm. Further research was suggested examining the utility of the self-harm questionnaire developed, and the impact of teacher training on levels of self-harm.  Replication of the logistic regression analyses with a broader sample was recommended, as was whole school approaches designed to boost self-esteem and resilience in young people.

The thesis examines various descriptions of bullying in fiction, biography and autobiography, comparing a traditional image of a bully with the more modern concept which enables many actions to be described as bullying. The difference between a description and a definition of bullying is explored using an analogy with the word “murder”. Murder can be achieved in many ways – stabbing, shooting, poisoning etc but none of them defines murder, the terms describe the means by which murder is undertaken. Bullying, in like manner, has no precise definition – merely a series of descriptive terms. Many writers have described the difficult experiences of young people at school – possibly because of their parentage. The children of teachers, policemen, famous people seem to attract a high level of attention because of their parentage. The school experiences of Prince Charles, Graham Green, Sean o Faolain, James Joyce and others are examined. The objective of the research was to examine the possibility that parental occupation might be a factor in bullying. Fifty children, in twenty schools, who were attending a school in which at least one parent was a teacher were asked to complete a questionnaire which was a modified form of the Olweus (1993) survey – (modified to include data on parental occupation and other family details) as well as interviews with students and teachers, 380 other children in five different schools were asked to complete the same questionnaire. The results were then compared. Many children experienced bullying but only a tiny percentage actually get bullied. Such a distinction is discussed. The possible application of literary extracts to illustrate examples of bullying and other acts of interpersonal aggression, to identify bullying and to show coping mechanisms is suggested and an anthology of such extracts is offered in a substantial appendix.

Bullying research has provided a wealth of information and a depth of understanding that has led to the development of intervention strategies in schools. However, despite this extensive research, bullying continues to be a significant problem. It has been suggested that working with children or with schools may not be enough to solve the problem and that it may be necessary to include parents as part of the solution, especially if the antecedents originate and are consistently reinforced at home. Research that has considered factors relating to family functioning and the relationship between the caregivers and their children provide support for this argument, but research in this area is scarce. The main aim of the present research was to investigate family backgrounds, parenting styles and the personal characteristics of parents and children involved in bullying situations in order to identify effective routes for intervention. More specifically, it focused children’s attachment styles and the roles they adopted in bullying situations at school. A longitudinal design with mixed methods was adopted involving 28 pre-school children and theft caregivers. The children were ‘new starters’ at one of three schools and at the start of the investigation they were aged 4 years – 4 years and 11 months and their primary caregiver’s ages ranged between 29 and 53 years. Primary caregivers participated in interviews and exercises about themselves and theft families and observations of the children occurred in different settings at school during their first year. It was predicted that a link between the childrens’ attachment type and the roles they adopted in bullying situations would be found. However, no evidence was found to suggest a link between childrens’ attachment style and bullying. Despite this, interesting trends were found. These are considered and the difficulties and limitations of the investigation are discussed.