How does it feel when we remember together on-line? Who gets to say what it is worth to be remembered? To understand how the user experience of participation is affecting the formation of collective memories in the context of online environments, first it is important to take into consideration how the notion of memory has been transformed under the influence of the digital revolution. I aim to contribute to the field of User Experience (UX) research theorizing on the felt experience of users from a memory perspective, taking into consideration aspects linked to both personal and collective memories in the context of connected environments. Harassment and hate speech in connected conversational environments are specially targeted to women and underprivileged communities, which has become a problem for digital archives of vernacular creativity (Burgess, J. E. 2007) such as YouTube, Twitter, Reddit and Wikipedia. An evaluation of the user experience of underprivileged communities in creative archives such as Wikipedia indicates the urgency for building a feminist space where women and queer folks can focus on knowledge production and learning without being harassed. The theoretical models and designs that I propose are a result of a series of prototype testing and case studies focused on cognitive tools for a mediated human memory operating inside transactive memory systems. With them, aims to imagine the means by which feminist protocols for UX design and research can assist in the building and maintenance of the archive as a safe/brave space. Working with perspectives from media theory, memory theory and gender studies and centreing the user experience of participation for women, queer folks, people of colour (POC) and other vulnerable and underrepresented communities as the main focus of inquiring, my research takes an interdisciplinary approach to interrogate how online misogyny and other forms of abuse are perceived by communities placed outside the center of the hegemonic normativity, and how the user experience of online abuse is affecting the formation of collective memories in the context of online environments.
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My aim is this thesis is to explore how and why Korean female clerical workers have experienced sexual harassment within the organisational structure of their workplaces. My data derives from qualitative interviews with 28 female clerical workers who work in Seoul, South Korea. However, my own position and experiences as a Korean feminist scholar are also embedded within the research process and explicitly incorporated into my analysis. Despite having focused upon the experiences of Korean female workers, this thesis will contribute to an understanding of how experiences of women as sexual victims are embedded within the oppressive of heterosexuality and male-dominated organisational culture regardless of the socio-cultural differences of each society. In order to do so, this thesis first highlights the specificities of Korean heterosexuality and heterosexual culture whilst also examining features of organisational culture in relation to both gender and sexuality. This approach reflects my belief that incidents of sexual harassment are deeply embedded within the socio-cultural features of each society and, in particular, based upon the changing and ongoing features of gender and sexual culture. The representative elements of Korean heterosexuality are identified as the enforcement of female sexual chastity and subservience and the permitting of solely marital sexual relations for women, while men expect varied sexual experiences. The super-heterosexual forces are interrelated with the promotion and maintenance of male-dominated and sex-discriminatory organisational culture. Thus, I understand the specific features of Korean heterosexuality and organisational culture to be the predominant contributors in the perpetuation of sexual harassment within Korean workplaces. In relation to experiences of sexual harassment, I suggest that the definition of sexual harassment is both flexible and contextual and its varieties diversely constituted within the socio-cultural features of each society. Moreover, I discover the fact that the victims’ reluctance assertively to respond to sexual harassment is greatly affected by heterosexual and male-dominated organisational culture. Therefore, my suggestion is that possible strategies to combat sexual harassment would be also based upon these socio-cultural features.
Teenage Sexting: A Deeper Rabbit Hole Than You Might Think
Teenage sexting is a legitimate concern among parents. Research shows that most teenagers have some involvement in sexting (i.e. whether they send and/or receive sexual images), and it can reflect the parental worries of the extent (e.g. how often and in what ways) and consequences (e.g. non-consensual sexual image sharing) associated with it.
Though we do not aim to “put to bed” such legitimate parent concerns about sexting, we do aim to expand on the results of present teenage sexting as a more nuanced and complex phenomenon. The results of our research showed that two-way “sexters” (i.e. those who send and receive sexual images) were more likely to be boys, and were mere likely to show conduct and hyperactivity problems. Girls were more likely to send sexual images and were “more frequently asked” to send sexual images than boys were. As such, sexting behaviour is more elaborate than solely the direction of communication (i.e. senders and receivers of sexual images), as it also incorporates who asks for sexual images to be sent, and whether the sexual image was sent or received.
It would appear from our research findings that sexting is possibly more “normalised” among boys, and in some contexts (e.g. when asked by others to send sexual images) viewed as “intrusive” among girls.
We also noted that two-way “sexters” were also more likely to be LGBTQI+. We argued that for these teenagers, sexting might be playing an important role in their sexual identity expression. Digital environments that can facilitate sexting (e.g. WhatsApp) might be allowing LGBTQI+ boys and girls to express “more freely” via sexting. In a previous study, LGBTQI+ individuals appeared to be engaging in sexting to challenge heterosexual norms. Prior to conducting this research, we did not expect the study findings to go in this direction. We felt after-words that advising the explicit forbidding of sexting as an online safety measure might present more problems than solutions.
We propose that sexting behaviour is considered within wider psychoeducation and online safety programmes that focus on consent and progressive sexual education inclusive of LGBTQI+ frameworks. Early efforts to deliver these programmes would likely be most successful as we know from past research that sexting behaviour can happen from an early age in line with first experiences of sexual exploration. It would be fair to say that our research led us down a deep rabbit hole and out the other side well more informed about the complexities associated with teenage sexting.
By Derek A. Laffan
This post is based on this recently published paper:
Foody, M., Mazzone, A., Laffan, D. A., Loftsson, M., & O’Higgins Norman, J. (in press). “It’s not just sexy pics”: An investigation into sexting behaviour and behavioural problems in adolescents. Computers in Human Behavior: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S074756322030409X
This small scale study was informed by Symbolic Interactionism and Interpretivist Analysis and was carried out in a county within the south of England, referred to as ‘Southshire’. File searches and questionnaires were employed to gather contextual data. Semi-structured interviews were used to gather participant views and thematic analysis was used to analyse these interviews. This was a two part study consisting of two papers. The participants in Paper one of the study were young people with behavioural, emotional and social difficulties (BESD) and their parents or carers. Paper one focussed on the participants’ views and experiences of mainstream and special education after they had experienced both. The views of the special school keyworker were also sought in order to improve understanding of the support and barriers that exist for young people and families. Views were elicited through individual semi-structured interviews which were analysed qualitatively using a thematic analysis approach (Braun and Clarke 2006). To gain contextual information within the county and to help in the process of selecting participants, the files of fifty young people identified as experiencing BESD were searched and analysed and relevant information was recorded. Paper two focussed on practitioners’ experiences of supporting young people with BESD. An electronic questionnaire was sent to practitioners from a wide range of agencies and collected qualitative and quantitative data which informed the researcher of the local context and gave insights into practitioner views. Five practitioners were invited to take part in individual semi-structured interviews to explore their views on supporting young people with BESD. Interviews were analysed using a thematic analysis approach. Findings from papers one and two were assimilated and the implications for Educational Psychology practice were considered. The following research aims were addressed: 1. To improve our understanding of the support and barriers experienced by children and young people with BESD in a Local Authority 2. To develop a better understanding of how Educational Psychologists can support children and young people experiencing BESD, their parents, carers and other practitioners. Summary of findings The key finding within Paper 1 was that both the young people and parents/carers reported experiences that were contrary to the intentions of current inclusion policy. Broadly, negative experiences were reported at mainstream school and positive experiences were reported while at special school for BESD. Participants felt that they had been treated negatively by mainstream practitioners in particular and that young people had been denied access to the curriculum and activities within mainstream school. Additionally the young people had experienced bullying at mainstream school and the bullying had been ignored or the young people themselves had been perceived as the bully despite being the victim. Perceptions of and attitudes towards the ‘unseen’ disability of BESD were also referred to and parents and carers reported feeling isolated while their child was attending mainstream education. The key finding within Paper 2 was that practitioners also reported experiences that were contrary to the intentions of the current inclusion policy. They reported many challenges that are faced by practitioners when trying to include young people with BESD in mainstream schools, and when supporting them within the Local Authority. Participants felt that negative attitudes towards BESD exist within mainstream schools, that working with other agencies to support young people with BESD is difficult, that parental involvement is key, but not always possible and that elements within the government and Local Authority context conflict with the inclusion agenda and with meeting children’s needs. Significance and Contribution Through a design informed by Symbolic Interactionism and Interpretivist Analysis the participants authentic voices have been heard in order to deepen our understanding of their experiences. Previous research has explored the views and experiences of young people, families and practitioners; however this is the first time that they have been considered together sufficiently in order to identify shared views. Additionally, young people, families and keyworkers views were sought at a specific point within the young person’s journey – after they had attended both mainstream school and special school. Furthermore experiences of the transition from mainstream school to special school were considered. The findings within this study suggest that the application of a simple solution (i.e. including young people with BESD in mainstream schools) to a complex problem (the social inclusion of young people with BESD), has had a negative impact. In fact the findings seem to imply that the inclusion of young people with BESD within mainstream schools has actually created the social exclusion that inclusion was designed to alleviate. The evidence for this is present within the findings within this study. In relation to BESD, the medical model has been criticised for individualising the ‘problem’, however if an educational model view of BESD is taken we are led to consider that the education system itself is imperfect. Therefore taking the educational model approach and applying the simple solution of ‘inclusion’ to the very complex problem of social inclusion highlights many areas of difficulty. These areas of difficulty have been outlined in the findings of this study and of previous studies. The identified issues are entrenched within the education system and can only be tackled through an examination of the system itself. The reported experiences of inclusion are more nuanced than the powerful message my data suggests, therefore it is essential to note that this study is not simply suggesting that inclusion is ‘negative’ or ‘bad’ and that special school is ‘positive’ or ‘good’ – a much more complex picture has been presented. The complexities that have been highlighted within this study have also been considered alongside the role of the Educational Psychologist and how they can facilitate inclusion and essentially social inclusion through their work with young people, families and practitioners. As a result of the findings, it has been suggested that further research should focus on examining the education system and in particular the dichotomy between the inclusion agenda and results centred teaching and the specialist provision for BESD that exists since the implementation of the inclusion agenda and whether it is meeting the needs of young people. Further research may also focus on whether the case presented for young people with BESD in this study is similar for young people with other types of SEN. This further research on how inclusion policy translates into practice will be particularly pertinent as new government policies and agendas unfold.
The World Health Organisation (2017) asserts that changes in the world of work have resulted in new risks to employee health and safety. The focus of occupational health and safety professionals has evolved beyond physical risks, and now includes psychosocial risks such as workplace bullying. Workplace bullying is an extreme social stressor that has the potential to affect victims, witnesses, co-workers, significant others, the organisation itself and society. Whilst much is known about this phenomenon in other parts of the world, very little research effort has examined workplace bullying in Sub-Saharan African countries such as Ghana. Accordingly, this thesis aimed at understanding the lived experiences of employees in the nascent oil and gas industry in Ghana. Furthermore, this research sought to apply the Job Demands-Resources model to workplace bullying and test an adapted theoretical model based on Einarsen et al’s (2011) comprehensive model of workplace bullying. To this end, a mixed methods design was adopted using employees from the upstream, midstream and downstream operations within Ghana’s oil and gas industry. The qualitative study used data from in-depth semi-structured interviews with fifteen employees across the oil and gas sector in Ghana. In the three quantitative studies, three hundred and twenty-six employees responded to both online and paper-based questionnaires. Results of this research indicate that work-related bullying behaviours are more common than person-related bullying in the oil and gas sector in Ghana. Additionally, aspects of Ghanaian culture, unequal distribution of power, supervisors’ perceived job insecurity as well as perceived racial discrimination were identified as causes of workplace bullying. This study also found that employees reported psychological distress, mistakes and errors, poor work attitudes, and turnover intentions as a result of bullying at work. Furthermore, recreational activities and social support as well as religious coping were identified as resources available to employees and used to deal with workplace bullying. Job demands (work pace and workload) and resources (job control and supervisor social support) were associated with workplace bullying. Results again showed that the interaction of some specific job demands, and resources was related to workplace bullying. Moreover, psychological capital and religiosity respectively moderated the relationship between workplace bullying and psychological well-being. Finally, psychological well-being mediated the relationship between workplace bullying and engagement, burnout and job satisfaction respectively. Workplace bullying is pervasive in Ghana’s oil and gas industry and occupational health and safety professionals should seek to reduce specific job demands and increase specific job resources. Organisations in Ghana can aid the development of psychological capital through training to enhance employee well-being whilst understanding coping mechanisms such as religiosity. Additionally, organisations should implement anti-bullying policies and procedures fairly and ensure a psychologically safe work environment. Findings from this thesis are integrated and further discussed in the final chapter. The limitations of the various studies are critically analysed with recommendations for future studies. Additionally, the implications of the findings for theory and practice, especially in Ghanaian organisations, are highlighted.
Burnout in human services has become a widely researched psychological concept over the last 40 years (Shaufeli, Leiter & Maslach, 2009). Negative outcomes of clinician burnout in mental health services is well documented, however less research has focused on the specific burnout subsection of depersonalisation (Maslach, 1998). A mixed methodology was used which aimed to examine predictors of depersonalisation among qualified clinicians employed in NHS mental health services, as well as an exploration of experiences of resilience and burnout. A total of 261 Mental Health Nurses, Clinical Psychologists and Social Workers employed in NHS mental health services completed an online survey and open-ended qualitative
questions. Multiple regression analysis suggested five significant predictors of depersonalisation; clinicians’ specialties, years of experience post-qualification, exposure to physical abuse, emotional exhaustion and low ratings of personal achievement. No significant differences of depersonalisation were reported among different professions. Thematic Analysis of responses to open-ended questions suggested that a ‘love of the job’ or desire to ‘help service users’ supported resilience. Job stressors such as exposure to physical abuse or bullying were reported as detrimental to resilience. Implications of maintaining compassionate and effective client care were discussed as well as limitations and areas of future research.
This research makes us of recent analytical advances to further our understanding of school bullying experiences (bullying/victimisation/observing) and their adverse health consequences by firstly, testing the ability of two measurement models of bullying and victimisation (derived from the TRM), to measure four types of bullying behaviour. Consequently, the rate of bullying experiences, gender and age group were investigated. Moreover, since evidence exists that children and adolescents are using their own definitions this research examined whether these perceptions vary depending on how the definition is presented. Different levels in reporting of bullying experiences were examined. The effects of bullying experiences on children’s health were explored using the CHQ CF-87, a new generic measure of child and adolescent health status. This was firstly evaluated employing a confirmatory factor analytic approach to test the implied factor structure and subsequently measurement invariance across gender was tested. Increasing recognition of cultural, developmental, and contextual influences on psychological constructs has increased the need to demonstrate measurement invariance rather than merely assuming that measures are equivalent across groups. Consequently, the seven invariant subscales were employed to examine the health of bullies, victims, bully-victims, and non-involved children. A sample of children and adolescents (N=2318) in nine post-primary schools in Northern Ireland was recruited. It is evident that not only is the rate of bullying experiences distressingly high in schools worldwide, including Ireland but also that it can and does have serious negative effects on the health and well-being of school-children. More research is needed to disentangle biological factors, stress from demanding schoolwork, under-reporting of relational bullying, avoidant and ambivalent dispositions in the non-involved subgroup and the under-reporting of victimisation and health issues by boys.